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ABZU 項目数：12 総ポイント：1000 難易度：★☆☆☆☆ コンプまで3～4時間程度。 Win10版別実績。 Breach Leap from the water.水中から跳び上がる。 50 Ballet Perform a flip while riding a creature.生き物に乗りながら回転する。 50 Jetstream Burst 15 fish schools in the jetstream.水流の中で15の魚の群れに入り込む。 50 Food Chain Witness predation while meditating.瞑想中に捕食を目撃する。 50 Ecosystem Release fish from all the hidden pools.すべての隠された淵から魚を解き放つ。 125 Zen Master Find all the meditation statues.すべての瞑想の像を発見する。 125 Reflection Complete the adventure.冒険を終える。 100 Collector Add all secret shells to your collection.全ての秘密の貝をコレクションに加える。 150 秘密の実績 Kraken Discover those that lurk in the abyss.深淵に潜むそれらを発見する。 75 Connection Ride the Great White Shark.ホオジロザメに乗る。 75 Leviathan Breach the water on the back of a blue whale.シロナガスクジラの背に乗り水面に飛び出す。 75 Arctic Explorer Discover the polar region.極地を発見する。 75 Breach Aを押して加速しながら水面に向かって泳ぐとジャンプが可能。 Ballet LTでサメなどに乗った状態でBを押す。 Jetstream Chapter2に二回ある水流に乗り自動的に進むシーンで、合計15回赤い魚の群れに触れる（近くでXでも可）。 群れの数は余裕があるので多少逃しても問題ない。 Food Chain 石像の上で瞑想中にビューボタンを押すことで特定の魚を注視できる。 大型の魚（一番最初の石像の場所ならGoliath Grouper）を注視し、その状態で捕食の瞬間を見る。 Kraken Chapter4の細長い岩が乱立しているエリアの最深部にいる巨大なイカに乗る。 Connection Chapter7にいるホオジロザメに乗る。 Leviathan Chapter7の巨大な逆さピラミッドがあるエリアにいるクジラに乗り、水上に飛び出すまで待つ。 Arctic Explorer Leviathanと同じエリアの隅にペンギンやシロクマがいる氷の島がある。 そこに上陸してウロウロしていると解除される。 Ecosystem・Zen Master・Collector 収集物の場所は以下の動画参照。 取り逃した場合は、クリア後にChaptersメニューからチャプターセレクトが可能。 Chapter1 Chapter2 Chapter3 Chapter4 Chapter6 Chapter7・Credit
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A Definition of Closures - クロージャの定義 開始日 2007年02月09日 翻訳完了日 2008年03月16日 最終更新日(ちょこちょこ直したり) 2009年06月03日 （のんびりやっていたら、1年もかかってしまった・・・） はじめに Martin Fowler's Bliki in Japaneseというサイトで、Closureについての和訳が載っています。この中で、 Neal Gafter がクロージャの歴史について素晴らしい投稿をしています。 という記述と共にブログの記事が紹介されていました。Closureとは何なのか、そしてClosureについてまだよく分かっていないので、勉強がてら訳してみようと思いました。 ちなみにこの方、Googleの中の人です。2008/10/3時点の情報ではMicrosoftに転職されたようです。 原著 「A Definition of Closures」 http //gafter.blogspot.com/2007/01/definition-of-closures.html 注意 もともと個人利用を目的として日本語化したために、けっこう意訳している部分があります。「意味分からないよ」とか「おかしいんじゃない？」とかいうのがあれば、オリジナルを参照するか、コメントで質問してください（がんばって調べます）。 また、オリジナルのサイトには30近く(2007/3/12現在)のコメントが付いています。この内容は訳していませんので、全体理解のためにはそちらも見ておくことをお勧めします。 用語 訳文に出てくる各語に対応する原文と、その意味を以下に記します。 訳語 原文 意味 関数を値とする式 function-valued expression 式を評価した値が関数になるもの レキシカルスコープ lexical scope ブロック内で定義された変数はそのブロック内でしかアクセスできないこと。Wikipediaの説明 ダイナミックスコープ dynamic scope レキシカルスコープの定義に加え、あるブロック(サブルーチン)をコールした側のスコープにもアクセスできること。Wikipediaの説明 更新履歴 2007/03/12 作成開始 2008/07/01 shiro氏からコメントを受けて、内容を修正。「higher-order programming ×トップダウン式のプログラム ○高階プログラミング」「function-valued expression ×関数評価による表記法 ○関数を値とする式」とのこと。ありがとうございます。 訳文 Sunday, January 28, 2007 A Definition of Closures クロージャとは何なのか(2007/1/28) There has been some confusion over our proposal to add closures to the Java Programming Language. After all, doesn t Java already have closures in the form of anonymous inner classes? What is the point of adding something to the language that it already has? To some there appears to be a lot in the proposal that has nothing to do with closures, including the control invocation syntax, null as a type, Unreachable, throws type parameters, function interface types, and "nonlocal" returns. In my Javapolis talk I tried to give an explanation for why these features are in the proposal from the practical point of view of what kinds of things would be possible that were not formerly possible. But that begs the question why do we call it "Closures" for Java? In this blog post I ll try to show how the definition of closures relates to the features of the proposal, and identify which features of the proposal do (and which do not) result from the definition. 私たちの、Javaプログラミング言語にクロージャを追加するという提案に対して、いくらかの混乱がありました。結局のところ、Javaはすでに匿名クラスによってクロージャをサポートしているのでは？言語でサポートされている何かをさらに追加することの重要性は何なの？いくつかはクロージャとは無関係な提案も多くありました。control invocation syntax、型としてのNull、非到達性、型パラメータのthrow、関数インタフェースのタイプ、そして非局所的リターン。Javapolisのセッションでは、私はなぜこれらの機能が提案に含まれているかを、どんなことが以前は不可能で、そして可能になるのかという現実的な視点から説明しました。 けれど疑問は残ります。なぜこれを、Javaにとっての『クロージャ』と呼ぶのでしょうか？ この記事では、私は提案された機能がクロージャの定義とどのように関連しているかを紹介し、そして提案の中のどの機能がクロージャの定義に起因している(していない)かを明確にしようと思います。 Before discussing the definition of closures, it helps to understand the historical context in which the term was introduced. さて、クロージャについて議論する前に、この用語が導入された歴史的な背景を説明しましょう。 Lisp was created in the late 1950 s by John McCarthy and others at M.I.T. One feature of the language was function-valued expressions, signified by lambda. The name "lambda" was borrowed from a mathematical formalism known as the lambda calculus. Although Lisp was not based on an effort to model that formalism, lambda plays approximately the same role in Lisp as it does in the lambda calculus lambda is the syntax for a function-valued expression. McCarthy s intent was that Lisp should be designed to be implemented very efficiently, ideally compiled. That desire for efficiency influenced the design of the language. Lispは1950年代後半にM.I.TのJohn McCarthyらによって作られました。この言語の特徴の１つに関数を値とする式《function-valued expression》があり、lambdaで表現されています。「lambda」という名前はλ算法で知られる数学理論から借りたものです。形式主義をモデル化しようとする行いと同じ立場には立たなかったものの、Lispでもlambdaは「関数を値とする式のためのシンタックス」であるλ算法と同じ役割を果たしています。McCarthyは、Lispがとても効率良く実装できて、理想的な形でコンパイルできるようデザインされるべきだと考えていました。効率性への欲求はLispの言語設計にも影響しました。 Lisp used something called dynamic scoping. Logically, in a dynamically scoped language, when a variable reference is evaluated the runtime looks up the call stack until it finds a scope in which a variable of that name is defined. But as a practical matter variable references in a dynamically scoped language can be resolved in constant time simply by maintaining a value cell for each variable name; that value cell caches the variable s current definition. Dynamic scoping is easy to implement in an interpreter or compiler. Some very clever people had found ways to not only take advantage of dynamic scoping, but had developed what would now be thought of as programming patterns that depended deeply on it. But it was soon discovered that dynamic scoping suffered subtle problems, something the Lisp community called the FUNARG problem. Lispではダイナミックスコープ《dynamic scope》と呼ばれるものを使っています。理屈の上では、動的スコープを用いる言語は変数の参照元が評価されるとき、ランタイムが変数名の定義されているスコープを見つけるまでコールスタックを探索します。しかし現実的な問題として、ダイナミックスコープを持つ言語ではシンプルに各変数名に対する「値のセル(value cell)」を管理することで、変数の参照先解決を一定時間で行っています。値のセルに変数の現在の定義をキャッシングしているのです。ダイナミックスコープはインタプリタやコンパイラにとって簡単な実装になります。何人かの聡明な方々は、ダイナミックスコープを活用する方法を見つけただけでなく、プログラミングパターンという、ダイナミックスコープに深く依存する思考方法を発展させました。しかしダイナミックスコープではFUNARG問題(訳注：日本語訳がここにあります)と呼ばれる繊細な問題を抱えていることもすぐに分かりました。 Now we fast-forward to the mid 1970 s. On the radio you would hear(*1) Elton John, Emerson Lake Palmer, Joni Mitchell, The Captain and Tennille, John Denver, Paul Simon, Paul McCartney and Wings, ABBA, David Bowie, Janis Ian, Aerosmith, Fleetwood Mac, Heart, and Queen. A number of popular Lisp dialects were in use including InterLisp, MacLisp, UCI-Lisp, Stanford Lisp 1.6, and U. Utah s Standard Lisp. All of them were dynamically scoped. It was in this context that Guy Steele and Gerald Jay Sussman developed Scheme, a very simple Lisp dialect. では、時代を1970年代中頃まで早送りしましょう。ラジオからはElton John, Emerson Lake Palmer, Joni Mitchell, The Captain and Tennille, John Denver, Paul Simon, Paul McCartney and Wings, ABBA, David Bowie, Janis Ian, Aerosmith, Fleetwood Mac, Heart, そして Queenが聞こえてくることでしょう。(これは私ではなくGuy Steeleの、1970年後期の音楽に対する個人的インプレッションですからね) 当時の有名なLisp方言として、InterLisp, MacLisp, UCI-Lisp, Stanford Lisp 1.6, U. Utah s Standard Lispがありました。これらは全てダイナミックスコープを用いていました。SchemeというごくシンプルなLisp方言も、この時期にGuy SteeleとGerald Jay Sussmanによって作られました。 One thing about Scheme was different.(*2) Scheme was lexically scoped, like the lambda calculus and most mathematical notations, which means that a variable reference binds to the lexically enclosing definition for that name that was active at the time the enclosing lambda form was evaluated. To explain the semantics in terms of the implementation, evaluating a lambda expression was said to produce a "closure". This is a function value represented as an object that contains references to the current bindings for all the variables used inside the lambda expression but defined outside it. These are called the free variables. When this closure object, or function, is applied to arguments later, the variable bindings that had been captured in the closure are used to give meaning to the free variables appearing in the code. The term closure describes more than just the abstract language construct, it also describes its implementation. Schemeは他と異なっていました(Schemeは最初のレキシカルスコープを持つLispでしたが、レキシカルスコープを用いた初めてのプログラミング言語ではありません。たとえばAlgol60などがそうでした。詳しくはLandinのThe Next 700 Programming Languagesを参照してください)。Schemeではレキシカルスコープを用いていて、λ算法や最も数学的な記述方法のようでした。内部で持つλ構文が評価されるときにアクティブになる名前の、構文的な包含定義を変数の参照は束縛していたのです。実装に関するこのセマンティクスを説明するために、「lambda式を評価すること」は「『クロージャ』を生成すること」と言われていました。これは関数の値であり、lambda式内で使われている(ただし式外で定義された)全変数の束縛への参照を含んだオブジェクトとして表現されます。この変数は自由変数と呼ばれています。このクロージャオブジェクト、または関数があとで引数に適用されるとき、クロージャ内に捕捉されている変数の束縛はコード内に現れる自由変数に意味を与えるために用いられます。クロージャという言葉には、単なる抽象化のための言語構造のみならず、実装の意味も含まれているのです。 To many in the Lisp community at the time, it didn t make sense to adopt a Lisp dialect with closures. Not only would it undermine common programming techniques but it would obviously be much less efficient. For a short time these issues were debated, and Guy Steele wrote a series of papers entitled Lambda the Ultimate _____ (where _____ is Imperative, Declarative, GOTO, or Opcode) to help explain the power of lexically scoped lambda (closures). Fast forward only a few years and the debate was largely settled lexical scoping is Right and dynamic scoping is Wrong and we ve all learned our lesson. Since that time the word closure is used to mean lexically scoped anonymous function, but the connotation is that it is possible to get the semantics wrong for any number of reasons, including bugs and concerns about implementation efficiency. It also hints that we should let the language design drive the implementation, not the other way around. Virtually every programming language, whether or not it has something like lambda and anonymous function values, uses lexical rather than dynamic scoping. The basic definition of a closure, however, shows its Lisp roots 当時、多くのLispコミュニティにとって、Lisp方言にクロージャを採用することに意味はありませんでした。一般的なプログラミングテクニックを損なうだけでなく、明らかに非効率的だったのです。しばしこの問題について議論され、そしてGuy Steeleはレキシカルスコープなlambda（＝クロージャ）が持つ力について説明した一連の論文：Lambda the Ultimate _____ (_____には「Imperative」/「Declarative」/「GOTO」/「Opcode」が入ります)を作成しました。数年後、議論はほぼ収束しました。レキシカルスコープは正しく、ダイナミックスコープは間違っていたのです。これはとても良い教訓になりました。そのときからクロージャは「レキシカルスコープである匿名関数」を意味する単語として使われるようになったのですが、この表現は幾つかの理由やバグ、実装効率によって解釈の違いが発生する可能性を常に持っていました。言語設計に実装を推進させるべきであり、それ以外の方法は採るべきではない、というヒントを与えてもいました。抽象的に見て、全プログラミング言語はlambdaや匿名関数などをサポートしている・していないに関わらず、ダイナミックスコープよりもむしろレキシカルスコープを採用しています。 Lispを起源とする、クロージャの基本的な定義は以下のとおりです。： A closure is a function that captures the bindings of free variables in its lexical context. クロージャとは、そのレキシカルコンテキストの中に自由変数の束縛を保持する関数である。 Around this time, Smalltalk was introduced. Smalltalk is the most pure and simple of the object-oriented languages everything is an object. Object-oriented languages add a twist to lexical scoping. Rather than binding all names in the lexical scope, free variables appearing in methods are bound in the scope of the object that the method is a member of. In other words, names in a method are bound to members of the "current" object. The current object is accessible by the name "self". Another small but interesting detail is that you can return early from a method in Smalltalk using the syntax "^expression". We ll return (no pun intended) to the significance of this fact later. さて、ここからはSmalltalkを紹介しましょう。Smalltalkは「すべてがオブジェクト」という、もっとも純粋・シンプルなオブジェクト指向言語です。オブジェクト指向言語はレキシカルスコープにひねり(twist)を加えました。レキシカルスコープ内の全ての名前をバインドするよりもむしろ、メソッド内の自由変数は、そのメソッドをメンバに持つオブジェクトのスコープに束縛されているのです。言い換えると、メソッド内の名前は「現在の」オブジェクトのメンバに対して束縛されています。現在のオブジェクトは"self"という名前によってアクセスできます。もう１つの小さな、けれど興味深いポイントは、"^expression"という文法を使うことで、メソッドから早々に返る（戻る）ことが出来ると言う点です。 後ほど、この事実の重要性に戻ってきますからね（いや、ジョークじゃないですよ）。 Methods aren t the only kind of code abstraction in Smalltalk. There is also an expression form for writing a block expression, which is essentially a lambda. Early dialects had limitations on them, but most modern Smalltalks do not. They are a true analog to Scheme s lambda. Free variables in a Smalltalk block are bound in the enclosing scope, which is typically the scope of some enclosing method. The result of evaluating a block expression is a closure, and like everything else it is an object. In this case the object has a method that you use to invoke the code of the block. Smalltalkにおいて、メソッドとはコード抽象化程度のものではありません。まさしくlambdaのようにブロック構文を使った表現方法もあります。初期のSmalltallk方言には制限がありましたが、現在ほとんどのSmalltallkにおいてはそんなことはありません。 これらはSchemeでのlambdaと本当によく似ています。Smalltalkのブロック構文にある自由変数は(ブロックに)囲まれたスコープ──エンクロージャメソッドの典型的なスコープ──にバインドされていています。ブロック構文を評価した結果はクロージャであり、それ以外はオブジェクトのようでもあります。このケースでは、オブジェクトはブロック表記コードを実行するために使うメソッドを持っている、と言えます。 Anonymous functions (closures) were not blindly introduced into Smalltalk just because it seemed like a neat idea, or because they had worked out well in another language. Rather they were integrated fully and carefully into the language. Anonymous functions can properly be integrated into even an existing language, but there is an advantage when adding them early. As Guy Steele s papers demonstrated, they are so powerful that they subsume other language features. If you add them early, you might save yourself the trouble of adding language features that can instead be added as libraries. Smalltalk provides few control constructs directly in the language. Even the conditional "if" is provided as a library method and invoked using blocks. 匿名関数《Anonymous functions》(≒クロージャ)はSmalltalkに盲目的に取り入れられたわけではなく、上品なアイデアのようだったか、または開発者が他の言語に精通していたために取り入れられました。十分に注意深く、匿名関数は言語に組み入れられたのです。 匿名関数は既に存在している言語にでさえ正確に追加することができますが、ただし早期に導入するアドバンテージは存在します。Guy Steeleは論文で、匿名関数は取り入れる言語そのものを包含してしまうくらいパワフルなものだ、と記しています。つまり早期導入しておけば、ライブラリとして後から言語に導入することによるトラブルから身を護ることが出来るかもしれないのです。Smalltalkの言語仕様では制御構文をほとんど直接は提供していません。「if」条件文でさえライブラリのメソッドとして提供され、ブロック構文を用いて呼び出されるのです。 Two things distinguish blocks in Smalltalk from Scheme s lambda. First, the meaning of "self" within a block refers to whatever meaning it had in the enclosing context. Specifically, it doesn t refer to the closure object itself. Second, the syntax for returning from a method, "^expression", returns from the enclosing method; it doesn t return from the method representing the closure invocation. These two details are a natural consequence of the fact that, while Scheme has only one lexically scoped language construct (variable bindings), Smalltalk has three lexically scoped language constructs name bindings (like Scheme), the referent of the return syntax, and the meaning of "self". The definition of closures above mentioned only "the bindings of free variables", but that is because the definition was written for the language Scheme, and name (variable) binding is the only lexically scoped construct in Scheme. Common Lisp also has "return" and "goto", and these too are captured lexically in a closure. In order to realize the full power of closures, described in Guy Steele s lambda papers, they must capture all lexically scoped language constructs. Generalizing the definition of closure to cover other languages would require using more language-neutral terminology instead of "bindings of free variables" we would have something like "lexically scoped semantic language constructs." However, that obscures the origins of the term. Smalltalkのブロック構文は、Schemeのラムダ構文と比べて2つの事柄により区別できます。1つ目は、ブロック内の「self」の意味が、包含するコンテキストが持つすべての意味も参照していることです。もっと正確に言えば、それ(self)がクロージャオブジェクト自身を指しているのではないことに注意が必要です。2つ目は、メソッドから返るための構文「^expression」が、包含しているメソッドから返ってくることです。クロージャの実行で表現されるメソッドから返っているのではありません。これら2つのポイントから、Schemeがレキシカルスコープ：変数束縛だけを持つ言語として構成されたこと、Smalltalkが3つのレキシカルスコープ：名前束縛(≒Scheme)、リターン時のシンタックスの参照、"self"の意味を持つ言語として構成されたことが自然に導き出されます。ここまでで述べたクロージャの定義は「自由変数の束縛」という意味でしたが、それはつまり、これがScheme言語のために定義された単語であるからです。Schemeでは、名前(変数)束縛が唯一の構成物ですから。Common Lispではさらに"return"や"goto"も持っていて、これらもまたクロージャ内でレキシカルに構成されています。Guy Steelのlambdaの論文をに書かれたクロージャの力をフルに引き出すためには、それらはすべてレキシカルスコープとして言語に組み込まれなければいけないのです。 他の言語をカバーすることを目的とした、クロージャの定義の一般化には、言語に沿った専門用語を用いることが必要です。「レキシカルスコープ化されたセマンティックな言語構成」のように用いる「自由変数の束縛」の代わりに、です。ところが、それが用語の元々(origin)を不明瞭にしてしまっているのです。 Fast forward more than 25 years, and we re once again listening to some of the same music we listened to in the late 1970 s. We are now considering adding closures to Java, a significantly more complex language than either Scheme or Smalltalk. We re not considering them because they seem like a neat idea, or because they worked out well in other languages, or because we re bored. Rather we re considering them because of the power and flexibility they will add to the programmer s arsenal; because of the improved readability we expect from programs that use closures instead of the existing alternatives; and because of a number of other recently proposed language extensions that will be unnecessary if closures are added. In order to get the full power of closures, they should capture all lexically scoped semantic language constructs. What are the lexically scoped language constructs in Java? それから25年以上経った現在、私たちは1970年代のときと同じ音楽を聴いています。そして、私たちはJavaという、SchemeやSmalltalkとは比べ物にならない複雑な言語にクロージャを導入しようとしているのです。私たちがクロージャを検討している理由は、それが上品かつ巧妙なアイデアだからではなく、それらが多言語で枯れてきたからでもなく、退屈だからでもありません。そうではなくて、そのパワーとフレキシビリティがプログラマーにとっての引き出し《arsenal》を増やすこと、既存の他の方法の変わりにクロージャを使うことがプログラムの可読性を向上させること、そしてクロージャによって不要で大量な機能の追加が不要になるからです。 クロージャの本当の力を引き出すには、言語構造で必要なレキシカルスコープのすべての構文を捕捉するべきです。 では、Javaの言語構造のうち何がレキシカルスコープなのでしょうか？ The meaning of variable names. The meaning of method names. The meaning of type names. The meaning of this. The meaning of names defined as statement labels. The referent of an unlabelled break statement. The referent of an unlabelled continue statement. The set of checked exceptions declared or caught. The referent of a return statement. The definite assignment state of variables. The definite unassignment state of variables. The reachability state of the code(*3). 変数名の意味 メソッド名の意味 型名の意味 thisの意味 statementラベルとして定義された名前の意味 ラベルのないbreak文の指す先 ラベルのないcontinue文の指す先 The set of checked exceptions declared or caught. return文の指す先 変数の明確なアサイン文(? assignment state) 変数の明確なアンアサイン文(? unassignment state) コードの到達性を示す構文(*4). In addition, Java has one other significant difference from either Scheme or Smalltalk Java is statically typed. That means that each expression has a type at compile-time. So if we add closures, we need to have some appropriate type for a closure. Since a closure is an anonymous function, it is natural to consider adding function types to the language. But this is not a mandate. As you can see by the two variations of our closures proposal (the nominal and the functional versions) we believe it is possible to add closures without adding function types with a limited loss of functionality (higher-order programming becomes impractical). Our proposal for closures addresses every item on this checklist. There are additional features of our proposal (the control invocation syntax and the closure conversion) that don t relate directly to the definition of closures, but which make them integrate very nicely with existing language features. And there are additional features not mentioned in the spec (such as proper tail recursion) that would be helpful to realize the full potential of closures. それに加えて、JavaはSchemeやSmalltalkと大きく異なる特徴があります。：Javaは静的型チェックを行う言語です。つまり、コンパイル時点で式は型を持つのです。そのためクロージャを追加するならば、クロージャのために適した型を用意しなければなりません。クロージャは匿名関数であるため、言語に関数型を追加することを検討した方が自然です。しかしそれは絶対ではありません。私たちの2種類のクロージャへの提案(the nominal and the functional versions)から分かるように、私たちは、機能のロスをわずかながら伴う関数型の追加でなくても、クロージャを実装することが可能であると思っています(高階プログラミングは現実的ではありません)。クロージャへの提案はこのチェックリストにあるアイテムを指し示しています。クロージャの定義とは直接関係しない機能追加への提案(control invocation syntaxとクロージャのコンバージョン)もいくつかあります。しかし、すでにあるJava言語と、とてもうまく統一できています。 What about anonymous inner classes? It turns out that they don t pass muster on any item on this checklist. Let s set aside the fact that local variables from enclosing scopes must be final to be used inside an anonymous class. The problem is that variable names are simply not resolved in the correct scope. They are resolved in the scope of the anonymous class that you re creating, not the enclosing scope. If you re creating an instance of an interface then it s probably not too much of a problem because most interfaces don t have any (constant) variable definitions. But anonymous inner classes fail every other item on this checklist as well, most of them fatally. Most alternative proposals don t actually address any of the items on this list, and so fail to provide the power of closures any more than existing language constructs. 匿名インナークラス(anonymous inner classes)についてはどうでしょうか？このチェックリストには乗っていません。匿名クラスの中で用いられる、外側の変数はfinalでないといけないという事実は脇に置いておきましょう。問題は、変数名が正しいスコープの中では単純に解決できないことにあります。それら変数は作成した匿名関数のスコープ内で解決されます。外側のスコープではないのです。仮にinterfaceのインスタンスを作成したならば、interfaceは変数や定数の定義を持たないため、解決の困難さはそれ程問題にはならないでしょう。 しかし匿名インナークラスではチェックリスト内の他の致命的なアイテムと同様にうまくいかないのです。ほとんどの代替案はこのリストのアイテムのどれにも当てはまりません。それゆえ、既存の言語構造よりも強力なクロージャを提供することに失敗してしまうのです。 Setting aside all the programming language theory, don t anonymous inner classes provide, in practice, all of the advantages of closures? I believe I've already shown that the answer is no. It is certainly true that for any program you can write using closures, you can write a roughly equivalent program using anonymous inner classes. That s because the Java programming language is Turing-complete. But you will probably find yourself resorting to a significant and awkward refactoring of the code that has nothing to do with the purpose of the code. In fact, you can write a roughly equivalent program using assembly language if you have the stomach for such an effort. On the other hand, true closures increase the power of a language by adding to the kinds of abstractions you can express. プログラミング言語のセオリーをすべて無視して、実際問題として匿名インナークラスはクロージャの利便性をすべて提供しているのでしょうか？ 私は、その答はNoであるとすでに伝えています。クロージャを使って書ける幾多のプログラムにとっては真実であり、確かにほぼ同等のプログラムが匿名インナークラスによって書けてしまいます。これはJavaプログラミング言語がチューリング完全であるからです。けれどもあなたはしばしば、コードの目的とは関係ない大量で厄介な箇所のリファクタリングを行っていることに自分自身で気がつくでしょう。 実際のところ、その根性さえあればアセンブリ言語を使ってほぼ同等のプログラムを書けてしまいます。その一方で、真のクロージャは言語の持つ力を増大させるのです。表現可能な抽象化の一種を追加することによって。 （ - ） lethevert氏のブログのコメント経由で拝見しました。訳に少し気になるところがあったのでコメントしておきます。 "function-valued expression" は「関数を値とする式」です。式を評価した値が関数になるものですね。 "higher-order programming" は「高階プログラミング」という用語です。関数を引数として別の関数に渡したり、関数から戻り値として関数を返したりすることを指します。 -- shiro(コメントいただいた内容をかときちが本欄に転載しました。ありがとうございました) (2008-07-01 22 10 18)
https://w.atwiki.jp/worldwariphone/pages/35.html
Tab ミッション 解除LV Energy 同盟 報酬 戦利品 必要ユニット（数） Cash Avg Cash/Energy Exp Exp/Energy #1 Fend off Enemy Attack 1 9 1 $1,000 - $3,000 $2,000 222.22 1 0.111 Hunt Down Enemies 1 28 1 $5,000 - $8,000 Prisoner (1) Minigunners $6,500 232.14 3 0.107 Train Armed Forces 2 45 1 $7,000 - $20,000 Cadet Squad (3) Minigunners (1) Supply Truck $13,500 300.00 5 0.111 Seize Enemy 3 39 1 $7,000 - $20,000 (5) Minigunners (1) Cruiser (1) Fighter $13,500 346.15 4 0.103 Locate Enemy Camp 3 50 1 $13,000 - $23,000 (5) Minigunners (1) Hum-Vee $18,000 360.00 5 0.100 Establish Base Defense 3 70 1 $17,000 - $33,000 Patrol Unit (4) Marines (2) Hum-Vee $25,000 357.14 7 0.100 Destroy Enemy Base 4 78 1 $16,000 - $48,000 (4) Fireteam (1) Light Tank $32,000 410.26 8 0.103 Invade Enemy Territory 5 98 1 $30,000 - $55,000 (3) Supply Truck (2) Transport (1) Cargo Chopper $42,500 433.67 10 0.102 #2 Set Up Military Camp 6 30 1 $8,000 - $22,000 Light Machine Gunner (10) Marines (5) Supply Truck (2) Cargo Chopper $15,000 500.00 3 0.100 Scout Out Enemy 7 35 1 $12,000 - $22,000 (6) Paratroopers (3) Patrol Plane $17,000 485.71 4 0.114 Sink Enemy Boats 7 61 1 $26,000 - $49,000 (15) Marines (2) Frigate (2) Fighter $37,500 614.75 4 0.066 Intercept Shipment 8 33 1 $9,000 - $29,000 Corvette (25) Marines (2) Mobile Artillery $19,000 575.76 3 0.091 Ship Supplies to Troops 8 67 1 $20,000 - $60,000 (2) Cruiser (2) Transport (1) Frigate $40,000 597.01 7 0.104 Shoot Down Aircraft 9 52 1 $23,000 - $43,000 (8) Fighter (1) Harrier Jet $33,000 634.62 5 0.096 Investigate Wreckage 10 50 1 $18,000 - $55,000 Avionics Engineers (7) Paratroopers (4) Patrol Plane $36,500 730.00 5 0.100 Prepare Army to March 10 112 1 $23,000 - $43,000 (50) Minigunners (5) Hum-Vee (2) Light Tank $33,000 294.64 11 0.098 #3 Infiltrate Western Border 11 60 1 $21,000 - $62,000 Wiesel 2 Mortar Unit (8) Paratroopers (1) Armored Personnel Carrier (2) Harrier Jet $41,500 691.67 6 0.100 Take out Western Forces 12 64 1 $39,000 - $117,000 (20) Grenadiers (3) Naval Destroyer (3) Harrier Jet $78,000 1218.75 7 0.109 Discover Reinforcements 14 40 2 $37,000 - $87,000 M163 Anti-aircraft Vehicle (10) Paratroopers (4) Armored Personnel Carrier (1) Comanche Helicopter $62,000 1550.00 4 0.100 Repel Counterattack 15 50 2 $75,000 - $125,000 Mobile Howitzer Cannon (35) Medics (4) Armored Personnel Carrier (4) Comanche Helicopter $100,000 2000.00 5 0.100 Bombard Enemy Defenses 16 101 2 $240,000 - $324,000 SA-8 Gecko Missile Launcher (35) Grenadiers (12) Stealth Tank $282,000 2792.08 10 0.099 Destroy Enemy Lab 18 71 2 $158,000 - $306,000 Biosoldier Unit (7) Grenadiers (1) Wiesel 2 Mortar Unit (2) Submarine $232,000 3267.61 7 0.099 Confiscate Bioweapons 20 69 3 $143,000 - $377,000 Bioweapon Scientists (40) Medics (8) Stealth Tank (8) B-1 Lancer $260,000 3768.12 7 0.101 Destroy Power Centers 20 165 4 $583,000 - $840,000 (80) Snipers (46) Stealth Tank $711,500 4312.12 18 0.109 #4 Locate Submarines 21 70 5 $277,000 - $415,000 Thresher Submarine (18) Snipers (6) Stealth Tank (7) Comanche Helicopter $346,000 4942.86 7 0.100 Set Mines in Ocean 22 89 5 $343,000 - $378,000 (10) Grenadiers (4) Stealth Tank (4) B-1 Lancer $360,500 4050.56 9 0.101 Secure Shoreline 23 53 6 $252,000 - $378,000 Guardian Patrol Boat (1) Helicopter Carrier (5) Stealth Jet $315,000 5943.40 5 0.094 Protect Arriving Ships 24 129 7 $547,000 - $1,280,000 (3) Cruiser (10) Helicopter Carrier $913,500 7081.40 13 0.101 Level Enemy City 25 64 8 $324,000 - $540,000 Annihilator Fighter (11) Snipers (3) Battleship (7) Stealth Jet $432,000 6750.00 7 0.109 Cut Off Enemy Oil Supply 26 101 9 $608,000 - $840,000 (5) Amphibious Assault Vehicle (12) Helicopter Carrier (1) Guardian Patrol Boat $724,000 7168.32 11 0.109 Air Raid 27 75 10 $857,000 - $1,590,000 SU-34 Fullback Bomber (10) Battleship (12) B-1 Lancer $1,223,500 16313.33 7 0.093 Take out Supply Depots 28 208 10 $2,210,000 - $4,810,000 Black Widow PMC Operatives (20) Heavy Equipment Transporter (20) Helicopter Carrier (60) Comanche Helicopter $3,510,000 16875.00 22 0.106 #5 Gather Intelligence 28 78 11 $1,180,000 - $1,880,000 (6) B-1 Lancer (8) Stealth Jet (10) X-15 Supersonic Aircraft $1,530,000 19615.38 8 0.103 Deploy Ground Forces 28 101 12 $1,410,000 - $3,280,000 Koalitcia-SV Artillery (15) Heavy Machine Gunners (22) Amphibious Assault Vhicle (28) SSM Launcher $2,345,000 23217.82 11 0.109 Surround Enemy Capital 29 68 13 $924,000 - $2,440,000 (10) Naby Seals (5) SSM Launcher (5) Apache Helicopter $1,682,000 24735.29 7 0.103 Send In Air Support 30 153 14 $3,280,000 - $47,100,000 E-3 Sentry (29) Rocketeers (29) Apache Helicopter (1) SU-34 Fullback Bomber $25,190,000 164640.52 15 0.098 Overcome Defense Forces 31 112 14 $1,950,000 - $5,840,000 (26) Rocketeers (13) Armored Snow Hovercraft (13) X-15 Supersonic Aircraft $3,895,000 34776.79 12 0.107 Capture Key Infrastructure 32 93 15 $2,140,000 - $4,240,000 (30) Rocketeers (8) Mammoth Tank (22) Apache Helicopter $3,190,000 34301.08 10 0.108 Cut Off Enemy Retreat 33 78 15 $1,790,000 - $5,100,000 Obyekt 500 SPAAG (30) Corner Shot Recon (21) Armored Snow Hovercraft (18) X-15 Supersonic Aircraft $3,445,000 44166.67 8 0.103 Seize Enemy Capital 34 258 16 $11,400,000 - $17,100,000 (58) Mammoth Tank (1) Koalitcia-SV Artillery (35) Apache Helicopter $14,250,000 55232.56 27 0.105 #6 Capture Enemy Fighters 35 93 17 $3,230,000 - $7,540,000 Rebel Fighter (20) Rocketeers (8) Otokar Cobra Armored Vehicle (12) Apache Helicopter $5,385,000 57903.23 10 0.108 Locate Recon Centers 36 129 18 $5,400,000 - $10,300,000 (16) Corner Shot Recon (332) SSM Launcher (20) B-2 Bomber $7,850,000 60852.71 13 0.101 Disrupt Communications 37 213 19 $13,300,000 - $20,800,000 Amphibious Command Ship (34) SSM Launcher (34) Horizon Frigate (24) B-2 Bomber $17,050,000 80046.95 22 0.103 Take out Base Patrols 38 100 20 $5,390,000 - $14,600,000 (15) Commandos (21) Otokar Cobra Armored Vehicle (21) Horizon Frigate $9,995,000 99950.00 11 0.110 Perform Surprise Attack 39 117 21 $11,000,000 - $14,900,000 Raptor Jet (30) Aerial Vehicle Squad (32) M-ATV Ambush Protected Vehicle (32) B-2 Bomber $12,950,000 110683.76 12 0.103 Capture Enemy Spies 40 85 24 $6,900,000 - $13,900,000 Stealth Infiltrator (10) Mammoth Tank (8) Horizon Frigate (23) F-18 Super Hornet Fighter $10,400,000 122352.94 9 0.106 Locate Nuclear Silo 41 138 25 $14,000,000 - $23,400,000 (21) M-ATV Ambush Protected Vehicle (20) Borey Class Missile Submarine (28) F-18 Super Hornet Fighter $18,700,000 135507.25 15 0.109 Destroy Nuclear Facility 42 297 26 $35,800,000 - $53,700,000 Nuclear Squad (60) Otokar Cobra Armored Vehicle (75) Borey Class Missile Submarine (60) B-2 Bomber $44,750,000 150673.40 31 0.104 #7 Conquer Enemy Outpost 43 155 27 $19,500,000 - $32,500,000 (20) M-ATV Ambush Protected Vehicle (10) Type 45 Destroyer (16) F-18 Super Hornet Fighter $26,000,000 167741.94 16 0.103 Defend Position 44 172 29 $20,800,000 - $45,000,000 (28) AHED Hybrid Electric Tank (45) Borey Class Missile Submarine (21) IAI Harop UAV $32,900,000 191279.07 29 0.169 Set up Defensive Network 45 325 31 $50,700,000 - $85,000,000 (38) M-ATV Ambush Protected Vehicle (72) Scorpene Submarine (57) IAI Harop UAV $67,850,000 208769.23 31 0.095 Assemble Naval Fleet 50 131 33 $19,500,000 - $32,500,000 Eurocopter Tiger (52) PackBot Robot Troopers (16) Predator Armored Tank (30) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter $26,000,000 198473.28 33 0.252 Attack Piracy Operation 51 125 35 $18,200,000 - $42,900,000 (19) Scorpene Submarine (38) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter $30,550,000 244400.00 13 0.104 Conquer Coastal Base 52 438 36 $93,600,000 - $140,000,000 Aegis Defence PMC Operarives (54) Predator Armored Tank (62) Type 45 Destroyer (94) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter $116,800,000 266666.67 46 0.105 Reinforce Ally Capital 54 227 38 $37,700,000 - $72,800,000 (85) PackBot Robot Troopers (48) Piranha V Armored Vehicle (40) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter $55,250,000 243392.07 24 0.106 Force Enemy to Retreat 55 546 40 $78,000,000 - $160,000,000 NLOS-C (75) Piranha V Armored Vehicle (88) DDG 1000 Destroyer (98) Havoc Helicopter $119,000,000 217948.72 56 0.103 #8 Deploy Scout Planes 56 192 41 $48,100,000 - $80,600,000 (88) DDG 1000 Destroyer (31) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter $64,350,000 335156.25 20 0.104 Spread Fleet Position 57 277 42 $70,200,000 - $120,000,000 (90) DDG 1000 Destroyer (42) Havoc Helicopter $95,100,000 343321.30 29 0.105 Launch Submarine Force 58 455 44 $150,000,000 - $240,000,000 (98) Elite Dreadnought (98) Scorpene Submarine (98) DDG 1000 Destroyer $195,000,000 428571.43 48 0.105 Assault Enemy Fleet 60 285 46 $52,000,000 - $150,000,000 Patriot Missile System (42) Heavy Assault Squad (55) Warthog Tracked Carrier (94) Elite Dreadnought $101,000,000 354385.96 29 0.102 Repel Air Support 61 322 48 $110,000,000 - $170,000,000 (99) DDG 1000 Destroyer (65) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter (59) Havoc Helicopter $140,000,000 434782.61 33 0.102 Sink Enemy s Flagship 62 515 49 $140,000,000 - $270,000,000 (92) Scorpene Submarine (92) Elite Dreadnought (99) MQ-8B Fire Scout Helicopter $205,000,000 398058.25 54 0.105 Scatter Enemy s Fleet 63 251 51 $92,300,000 - $150,000,000 (43) DDG 1000 Destroyer (16) Astute Class Submarine (16) MQ-8B Fire Scout Helicopter $121,150,000 482669.32 26 0.104 Reconvene Fleet 65 350 52 $100,000,000 - $210,000,000 (54) DDG 1000 Destroyer (60) Elite Dreadnought (62) Astute Class Submarine $155,000,000 442857.14 35 0.100 Make Landfall 66 157 53 $46,800,000 - $110,000,000 (92) Heavy Assault Squad (70) Warthog Tracked Carrier (24) MQ-8B Fire Scout Helicopter $78,400,000 499363.06 16 0.102 Fortify Beachhead 67 248 54 $97,500,000 - $130,000,000 Nuclear Submarine (58) Elite Dreadnought (40) Astute Class Submarine (1) Amphibious Command Ship $113,750,000 458669.35 26 0.105 Storm Enemy Blockade 68 382 56 $160,000,000 - $220,000,000 (99) Future Force Warrior Squad (99) Black Knight Unmanned Combat Vehicle (99) Havoc Helicopter $190,000,000 497382.20 40 0.105 Send Forces Inland 70 615 60 $170,000,000 - $390,000,000 (95) Hellfire Tank (90) Mitsubishi F3 Interceptor (70) BAE Mantis UAV $280,000,000 455284.55 62 0.101 #9 Fortify Defensive Position 71 237 61 $65,000,000 - $170,000,000 (70) M110 Sniper Team (72) Black Knight Unmanned Combat Vehicle (49) Mitsubishi F3 Interceptor $117,500,000 495780.59 24 0.101 Set-Up Operations Base 72 169 63 $78,000,000 - $110,000,000 (54) LW50 Machine Gun Squad (70) Hellfire Tank (42) MQ-8B Fire Scout Helicopter $94,000,000 556213.02 18 0.107 Send Recon Choppers 74 203 65 $91,000,000 - $130,000,000 (65) Havoc Helicopter (65) MQ-8B Fire Scout Helicopter (1) Eurocopter Tiger $110,500,000 544334.98 21 0.103 Identify Sniper Positions 75 654 68 $340,000,000 - $520,000,000 (99) Expeditionary Fighting Vehicle (99) BAE Mantis UAV (99) AV-22 War Osprey Gunship $430,000,000 657492.35 65 0.099 Employ Guerrilla Tactics 76 456 73 $120,000,000 - $290,000,000 (88) XM-307 Grenade Machine Gun Squad (50) Expeditionary Fighting Vehicle (112) AV-22 War Osprey Gunship $205,000,000 449561.40 47 0.103 Prevent Enemy Ambush 78 199 75 $91,000,000 - $130,000,000 (80) M110 Sniper Team (30) BAE Mantis UAV (22) AV-22 War Osprey Gunship $110,500,000 555276.38 20 0.101 Deploy Defoliant Planes 79 250 78 $130,000,000 - $180,000,000 (42) F-15 Silent Eagle Fighter (60) AV-22 War Osprey Gunship $155,000,000 620000.00 25 0.100 Send in Heavy Artillery 80 382 80 $100,000,000 - $270,000,000 (58) Hellfire Tank (63) Expeditionary Fighting Vehicle (75) T-95 Battle Tank $185,000,000 484293.19 39 0.102 Sabotage Enemy Vehicles 81 315 82 $160,000,000 - $220,000,000 (95) XM-307 Grenade Machine Gun Squad (74) T-95 Battle Tank (22) CG(X) Guided Missile Cruiser $190,000,000 603174.60 32 0.102 Demolish Enemy Base 82 225 84 $78,000,000 - $130,000,000 Zubr Class Hovercraft (1) Stealth Infiltrator (40) Astute Class Submarine (15) CG(X) Guided Missile Cruiser $104,000,000 462222.22 23 0.102 Take Military Prisoner 84 447 87 $130,000,000 - $310,000,000 (80) LW50 Machine Gun Squad (112) T-95 Battle Tank (60) CG(X) Guided Missile Cruiser $220,000,000 492170.02 45 0.101 Question Enemy Officer 85 682 88 $290,000,000 - $480,000,000 (45) XM 1202 Mounted Combat System (84) CG(X) Guided Missile Cruiser (99) Sikorsky X2 Helicopter $385,000,000 564516.13 70 0.103 #10 Collect Aerial Images 86 301 89 $130,000,000 - $230,000,000 (22) PAK-FA Fighter (50) Sikorsky X2 Helicopter $180,000,000 598006.64 31 0.103 Roll Out Infantry 87 168 92 $52,000,000 - $120,000,000 (70) Railgun Troopers (70) Mobile Infantry Marines (45) XM 1202 Mounted Combat System $86,000,000 511904.76 17 0.101 Flank Enemy Troops 88 511 97 $140,000,000 - $440,000,000 (70) Mobile Infantry Marines (75) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (92) Sikorsky X2 Helicopter $290,000,000 567514.68 52 0.102 Disrupt Supply Lines 90 140 101 $59,800,000 - $100,000,000 (75) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (1) Patriot Missile System (22) PAK-FA Fighter $79,900,000 570714.29 14 0.100 Use Scorched Earth Policy 92 525 104 $140,000,000 - $390,000,000 (45) XM-307 Grenade Machine Gun Squad (43) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (80) Boeing NGB Bomber $265,000,000 504761.90 53 0.101 Launch MRBMs from Sea 93 422 106 $180,000,000 - $330,000,000 (95) XM-307 Grenade Machine Gun Squad (55) UXV Combatant (1) Nuclear Submarine $255,000,000 604265.40 43 0.102 Conduct Bombing Runs 94 386 109 $100,000,000 - $270,000,000 (25) PAK-FA Fighter (74) Boeing NGB Bomber $185,000,000 479274.61 44 0.114 Engage in Aerial Combat 95 197 111 $78,000,000 - $130,000,000 (15) AV-22 War Osprey Gunship (15) PAK-FA Fighter (15) Sikorsky X2 Helicopter $104,000,000 527918.78 23 0.117 Occupy Enemy City 96 455 115 $120,000,000 - $330,000,000 Steel Talon PMC Operatives (50) Mobile Infantry Marines (85) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (1) Zubr Class Hovercraft $225,000,000 494505.49 46 0.101 Establish Prisoner Camp 98 156 118 $65,000,000 - $100,000,000 (96) Mobile Infantry Marines (12) XM 1202 Mounted Combat System (16) Sikorsky X2 Helicopter $82,500,000 528846.15 16 0.103 Uncover Nuclear Program 99 657 128 $270,000,000 - $480,000,000 (1) Nuclear Squad (99) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (99) Boeing NGB Bomber $375,000,000 570776.26 68 0.104 Destroy Research Facility 100 757 136 $300,000,000 - $410,000,000 Dark Sword Aircraft (99) M110 Sniper Team (99) Titan Self Propelled Artillery Tank (99) Boeing NGB Bomber $355,000,000 468956.41 86 0.114
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阪神教育闘争・文献リスト The association between education and society The educational struggle for Korean identity in Japan 1945-1948「教育と社会の関係：日本でおきた韓（朝鮮）identityを求める教育闘争1945-1948」（英文） In-duck Kim, SungKyunKwan University Korea 金仁徳, 成均館大学校 http //www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/EJ835205.pdf contents The association between education and society The educational struggle for Korean identity in Japan 1945-1948「教育と社会の関係：日本でおきた韓（朝鮮）identityを求める教育闘争1945-1948」（英文）Introduction Education for Koreans in Japan before Liberation (before 1945) From Assimilation Education to Japanese Imperialism Independent Schools for Korean WorkersTable 1 Trends of the Number of Koreans in Japan during 1920-1950 Korean Identity Education after WW II The Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) Dissemination of Korean Identity Education by the KFJTable 2 Korean Learning Programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe in 1945 Table 3 Chronological Activities of Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) for Korean Identity Education during 1945-1946 Table 4 List of Textbooks about Korean and History Published during 1945-1946 The HanShin Educational Struggle Social Constrictions The Struggle for the Autonomy of Korean Education in Osaka and KobeTable 5 Procedures of HanShin Educational Struggle in 1948 Epilogue Conclusions Notes References 翻訳文ご投稿 Asia Pacific Education Review Copyright 2008 by Education Research Institute 2008, Vol. 9, No.3, 335-343. The Association between Education and Society The Educational Struggle for Korean Identity in Japan 1945-1948 In-duck Kim SungKyunKwan University Korea In-duck Kim Academy of East Asian Studies, SungKyunKwan University, Korea. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to In-duck Kim, Academy of East Asian Studies, SungKyunKwan University, 53, Myungnyun-Dong 3-Ga, Jongno-Gu, Seoul 110-745, Korea. E-mail kid620827@hanmail.net This study attempts to elucidate the idea that education reflects the contemporary social structure. This inference is focused on the educational struggle for Korean identity led by the Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) during 1945-1948. The KFJ disseminated the educational movement for Koreans in Japan (Zainichi). The General Head Quarters (GHQ) suppressed Korean identity education (KIE) and tried to disrupt the activities of the KFJ. KIE was identified and destroyed during the HanShin educational struggle as part of the conflict with the GHQ. However, HanShin movement survived to form the basis for the new start of the Korean educational movement in Japan and has served as the cornerstone of KIE. This case elucidates the ways in which education is strongly associated with the social structure and the status quo. Key words education, society, HanShin educational struggle, Korean identity education, Korean Federation in Japan 335 Introduction Education is a reflection of the social structure; history is the communication between the past and present and gives birth to future directions. However, little research has been published on the issue. The aim of this study is to evaluate the idea that education reflects the contemporary social structure and status quo. To evaluate and test this notion, the cases of the educational struggles for Korean identity, led by the Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ)1 from 1945 to 1948 were selected. Approximately two million Koreans were residing in Japan as workers and students on August 15, 1945 (Wagner, 1951). Opportunities to learn to read and write in Korean during the era of Japanese imperialism during 1910 – 1945 were largely denied or absent. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, the American Military Administration (AMA) started to rule Japan. Implicit in the AMA’s early democratization program was the emancipation of Koreans from the oppressive and discriminatory controls under which they had lived in during the occupation (Wagner, 1951). Soon, they adopted the ruling idea that the social structure and system should be as the same as that under the Japanese system except for the imperial system and the issue of Korean identity education2. Koreans in Japan (Zainichi Chosenjin Zainichi) were swept up in the wave of euphoria accompanying the liberation and maintained a strong desire to implement Korean identity education. They organized the KFJ in 1945 and disseminated the Korean identity educational movement for Koreans throughout Japan. During this process, the HanShin educational movement became part of the conflict between KFJ and the General Head Quarters of the AMA (GHQ). 336 In terms of Korean identity education in Japan, some results have been reported an assimilation concept based on the historical material approach (Ozawa, 1988); a chronological approach (Kim, 2002); a field survey approach (Yang, 1994; Park, 1979; Eo, 1998); and an approach with the issue of North Korea at the fore (Cho, Ryou, Han, 2002) have all been used. To make a logical inference regarding the links between education and society, this interpretation is based on the holistic view of the Korean identity encompassing South and North Korea. It applies the chronological approach using previous primary materials and survey materials the description of the administrational and societal conditions in Japan and the review of primary materials on their activities according to the three-stage concept of the KFJ (Kim, 2007). It starts with a description of the education for Koreans in Japan before liberation, using the cessation of World War II as a backdrop. It is followed by an interpretation of the educational movement of KFJ as a sprout of Korean identity education in Japan. Finally, it is highlighted by the interpretation of the HanShin educational struggle as a major piece of evidence for the interplay between education and society. Education for Koreans in Japan before Liberation (before 1945) During the Japanese colonial period, the Japanese education system consisted mainly of public schools for an assimilation education in both Japan and Korea; it also had night schools for Korean workers in Japan. The Japanese imperialists believed that Koreans could be assimilated and remodeled by this type of education and portrayed this policy as being progressive. However, Korean nationalists and liberalists thought that night schools focused only on literacy and education for children. From Assimilation Education to Japanese Imperialism As the population of Korean children increased in Japan, problems related to education worsened. Ozawa put forth the following statement “According to the Primary Education Act, Article 32, the education for Korean children in Japan should be mandatory. Compared to the children in Korea, it seemed to be the complimentary treatment” (Lee, 1999,p. 96). The number of Korean students attending these schools was very small and what they learnt was essentially how to live as Japanese rather than Koreans. The objective of this mandatory education was to prepare its students for the Japanese military and stifle any feeling of Korean nationalism (Chosen University, 1987). This form of mandatory education can be interpreted differently according to the given social structure as military education for imperialism; as education undertaken by a dictatorship; or as citizenship education within a democracy. Independent Schools for Korean Workers As many Koreans moved to Japan to work in the 1920’s (Chosen University, 1987), night schools were established to train such worers in basic. Table 1 shows the increasing trend in the number of Korean immigrants in Japan from 1920-1950. Korean immigrants increased to one million in 1940 and were up to more than 1.9 million in 1944, because Japan was preparing for the Pacific War. Since the number of Korean families increased in 1930, the objective of the night schools became increasingly geared to the education of these immigrants’ children. There were many night schools in Tokyo, Osaka, Hyogo, Kanagawa and Fukuoka; of them all, Osaka was the most active because of the huge numbers of workers. It was speculated that night schools were built as an alternative to the regular schools, because Korean workers were not able to go to regular schools due to having no time and low incomes as well as the fact that they retained strong sentiments regarding their Korean identity. As a result of many Koreans’ moving to Japan through the KyoseiRenko process, (the forced mobilization of Korean laborers) in 1940, night schools gradually faded out. The decreasing trend of night schools indicates clearly that the social situation also influences all types of education. Osaka night schools were both public and private. The former started in May, 1924. The Japanese Korean cooperation association (Naisenkyowagai) was organized to support Japanese Imperialists. In Osaka, Naisenkyowagai organized public schools to promote the living standards of Koreans and to ‘develop’ their character. It opened night schools along with boarding houses and help with finding jobs. The length of the course was three years; it was Table 1 Trends of the Number of Koreans in Japan during 1920-1950 Year Number Year Number Year Number 1921 38,651 1931 311,247 1941 1,469,230 1922 59,722 1932 390,543 1942 1,625,054 1923 80,415 1933 456,217 1943 1,882,456 1924 118,152 1934 539,695 1944 1,936,843 1925 129,870 1935 625,678 1945 1,115,594 1926 143,798 1936 690,501 1946 647,006 1927 165,286 1937 735,689 1947 598,507 1928 238,102 1938 799,878 1948 601,772 1929 275,206 1939 961,591 1949 597,561 1930 298,091 1940 1,190,444 1950 535,236 337 available to Koreans who were over the regular educational age. The number of students in this school was 150 (Higuchi, 1986). The Korean Trade Union in Osaka, which agitated against Japan, also founded a night school in Uro-Cho in July 1928 for the purposes of fortifying the trade union. Further indepndent schools were founded by private Korean residents. Some of these schools were similar in size to Japanese public schools; their levels of financial backing also rivaled their counterparts. Kosei Kakuin in Huse and Kansai-Kyomei Kakuin in Hikashinari-Ku were founded for children in 1930 and 1931, respectively; these schools provided education for students who had previously had no access to schools. At these independent schools, Korean workers were taught to value their Korean heritage. The teaching of Korean history; math; Korean culture and the history of the labor movement were stressed (Kim, 1997). Through these schools, some Koreans developed into workers with a class consciousness. These cases show that different social groups organized different educational programs in accordance with their separate ideologies. Korean Identity Education after WW II Due to the changed situation following the surrender of the Japanese imperialists, Korean identity education for Zainichies was led by the Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) and is highlighted by the HanShin educational struggle. The Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) A great many Korean organizations sprung up spontaneously, hard on the heels of the Japanese surrender, all of them seeking to protect the lives and property as well as to promote the rights of Koreans residing in Japan (Wagner, 1951). The KFJ was organized in Tokyo in October 1945 (Kim, 2007). Due to an administration vacuum for Koreans in Japan, Koreans in Japan needed an organization that could help them to return to Korea and to survive in Japan. It represented all Zainichies regardless of political standpoint; it organized programs to help those wishing to return to Korea. It fought for the improvement of the everyday lives of Zainichies. It independently undertook many Korean identity educational programs. It also found many Korean schools for Zainichies who wanted to live in Japan. Dissemination of Korean Identity Education by the KFJ In preparation for their return to Korea, Koreans independently started to take Korean programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe just after the liberation in 1945 (Table 2). There were more than 200 programs with the number of students totaling more than 20,000 by the end of 1945. Text books for Korean programs were prepared independently 338 Table 2 Korean Learning Programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe in 1945 City Area Founder Tokyo Kanda Korean YMCA Adachi Yoon, Byung-ok Totsuka Lee, Jin-kyu Arakawa Kim, Bo-hyun Idabashi Chung, Ku-il Toyoshima Eo, Dang Osaka Ikaino Church Yasakacho Kobe Nishikobe Factory of Odeng the most famous one was the “Text Book of Korean” edited by Lee Jin-kyu (Eo, 1998, p. 108). After liberation, Koreans wished to learn about their Korean identity as opposed to the kind of education for assimilation they had already experienced. These Korean programs show how education adapts itself to a prapidly evolving status quo. The KFJ started to organize Korean identity education actively from October 1945. They gathered previously dispersed resources and fortified their organizational power for these educational activities. Table 3 shows the activities of the KFJ for Korean identity education from 1945-1948. Their activities were three-fold nurturing teachers, publishing textbooks and opening schools. The KFJ was very active in nurturing teachers it organized “Continuing education courses for teachers” in December, 1945 and opened the first Korean language seminar for teachers. After discussing future teaching programs and practicing teaching skills, all 15 participants were dispatched to the Korean educational programs in Tokyo to work. The second special general assembly held in February, 1946 decided to install a committee for educational taskforces. Its roles were two-fold nurturing teachers and publishing textbooks (Kim, 2002). The second central committee in the assembly decided to install a committee for Table 3 Chronological Activities of Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) for Korean Identity Education during 1945-1946 Time Title Feature October, 1945 Foundation of KFJ Chair, Yoon Keun November, 1945 Support for cultural activity (Document) About textbooks and teachers December, 1945 1st Seminar for Korean For teachers February, 1946 2nd Special General assembly Decision about the publishing textbooks and nurturing teachers March, 1946 Kenkoku technical school Osaka April, 1946 Learning by stage 3 stages by two grades April, 1946 Teachers union Osaka June, 1946 Chosen teachers Institute Osaka October, 1946 Chosen middle school Tokyo October, 1946 3rd Special General assembly Desion on organizing School managementUnion December, 1946 Teachers union Tokyo July, 1947 Educational system Same as Japanese 6-3 stytem August, 1947 Korean Teachers league in Japan Member 1,200 Chair Choi young-keun October, 1947 4th Special General assembly Decree of education Issue on education about democracy January, 1948 13th central committee Substantiality of facilities, systems and contents in schools 339 Table 4 List of Textbooks about Korean and History Published during 1945-1946 Subject Title Feature Korean Korean for primary schoo Published by Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) Teaching manual for primary school KFJ Korean for children KFJ Korean Spelling KFJ Text of Korean KFJ History Draft of Chosen history I, II, III KFJ Chosen history I, II, III※ KFJ, Written ※Note. Chosen history was written by Lim Kwang-cheol and had the same context as “Chosen socio-economical history” by Paik Nam-woon and “Chosen societal history” by Lee Chung-won. primary school text publication in the department of culture. They agreed on bylaws for the committee it consisted of four chapters, thirteen articles in relation to publishing textbooks in eight subject areas, encompassing Korean, math, science, history, geography, music, art and morals. The committee installed in February, 1946 was guided through the leadership of the chair, Lee Jin-kyu. Table 4 shows the details of the list of textbooks pertaining to Korean and history published during the time period of 1945-1946. The members of the Korean Student Federation, Korean Artist Association and the Society of People’s Culture collaborated in these activities. As these activities grew, the courses were divided into three categories according to the age group low (first and second graders), middle (third and fourth graders) and upper (fifth and sixth graders). According to the vision of the KFJ, the text books were focused on Korean language and Korean History. The nature of these textbooks shows that education is deeply linked to social needs. In terms of nurturing teachers, the second special assembly decided to found several institutes including the 3.1 Political Institute in Tokyo and the 8.15 Youth Institute in Osaka. Other institutes included the Central Institute of the KFJ, The Central Teachers Institute of the KFJ, The Osaka Chosen Teachers Institute and Dressmaking School for Women of the KFJ. During the period between 1945 - 1946, it also opened many schools 525 primary schools with 42,182 students and 1,022 teachers; and 12 advanced schools for adolescents with 724 students and 54 teachers. The number of schools increased to a total of 578 by October, 1947 541 primary schools, 7 middle schools, 22 schools for adolescents and 8 high schools (Lee, 1999). In the third general assembly held in October 1946, four major tactics were adopted for Zainichies first, the promotion of a better life; second, education and enlightenment; third, the installation of a temporary government in Korea; and finally, the strengthening of the organization (Park, 1983). The priority lay on education and enlightenment. During the fourth general assembly in October, 1947, they discussed the issue of Korean schools. They established an agreement on “The decree of education” and “The direction of democracy education” (Park, 1983, p.24). It was focused on two issues first, how they can cope with the interference of the GHQ and the Japanese government upon Korean identity education; and second, attaining financial freedom from the Japanese government in order to maintain their rights to independent education (Kim,2006). It has been speculated that these activities were based on the idea of independence and the concept of education for democracy through learning, teaching and managing education. These activities show that a well organized society with common objectives can lead a well organized educational movement to meet common targets. The HanShin Educational Struggle The HanShin educational struggle refers to the two big struggles for Korean identity education in Osaka and Kobe in 1948. The goal of providing Korean identity education for Koreans in Japan was not able to be realized in Kobe and Osaka in Japan under the GHQ, because Japan was 340 unwilling to allow the existence of a Korean society lead by the left. The Hanshin educational struggle shows that education always touches the social structure per se and must exist within the governing politico-economical system. Social Constrictions Just after the Japanese defeat, the GHQ assumed an indifferent attitude to the Korean identity education of Koreans in Japan. They changed their policy in October, 1947 Koreans schools in Japan had to follow the direction of the Japanese government. This triggered the HanShin (Osaka and Kobe) educational struggle. The GHQ had this to say, The Japanese government was directed to ensure that all Korean schools in Japan should comply with all pertinent Japanese directives, the general rules of Ministry of education in Japan. The only exception was to teach the Korean language as an addition to the regular curriculum (Kim, 1988, p. 449). The been planning to institute radical changes in the structure of the Japanese school system and chose this occasion to bring Korean schools within the pale of Japanese law (Wagner, 1951). The Japanese ministry of education directed that Korean schools should get permission for opening schools and use Japanese textbooks. Although the KFJ contacted the Japanese government and discussed this with the GHQ, there were only negative responses. The Japanese government circulated a statement of policy with regard to Korean-operated schools, announcing their position in the document entitled “About handling the establishment of Korean schools” in January 1948 (Kim, 1988, p. 450). The order was for all Korean children to attend accredited schools and for all teachers to comply with Japanese government regulations. The only consolation for Koreans was the fact that their schools should be accredited, and that the Korean language could be taught as an extracurricular subject (Wagner, 1951). I speculate that this policy could be interpreted as “The first order to close Korean schools.” It was this attempt at oppressive control which was the source of the conflict between the rights Koreans to independently educate for the maintenance of Korean identity and the GHQ. The Struggle for the Autonomy of Korean Education in Osaka and Kobe Under the leadership of the KFJ, strenuous efforts were made to maintain the autonomy of Korean education. The KFJ organized a Counter Measure Committee on Korean identity education; participation was by representatives of various Korean groups. They developed a four point “principles of autonomy for the Korea education” program 1) Instruction in the Korean language; 2) The use of textbooks compiled by a Korean committee and censored by the Supreme Commander for Allied Powers; 3) The administration of schools on an individual basis by Korean parents; 4) The teaching of the Japanese language as part of the required curriculum (Kim, 2007, p. 202). The Japanese government released another document in March, 1948. It said that if the first order were not accepted, they would close down Korean schools. I believe that this move can be described as “The second order to close Korean schools.” The first struggle against this order occurred in Yamaguchi-Ken on March 31, 1948 (Park, 1989). It took the form of a demonstration in Yamaguchi-Ken consisting of more than 10,000 Koreans waiting to return to Korea. They rallied throughout the night in an attempt to negotiate with the administrative authorities of the district. Finally, the administrative authorities withdrew their previous order. From then on, various struggles occurred in Hiroshima, Okayama, Hyogo, Osaka and Kobe. Table 5 shows the detail procedures of the HanShin educational struggle. In Osaka, a Korean gathering opened against the oppression of Korean schools and developed into a rally on April 23, 1948 (Park, 1989). They tried to negotiate, but ended in failure. The leaders of the rally were arrested and sent to jail in Osaka. The next day, a demonstration took place in front of the police station, asking for the release of those arrested. More Koreans were arrested in that rally. Koreans in Osaka organized a big rally again and tried to negotiate with the administrative authorities. A big gathering of more than 10,000 Koreans was organized in Otemae Park on April 26; the authorities gave the crowd the ridiculous order to disperse within three minutes. When the crowd did not comply, the Osaka police 341 Table 5 Procedures of HanShin Educational Struggle in 1948 City Date Event Kobe April 7 Order of closing Korean schools April 11 Korean Gathering asks for withdrawing the order. April 15 70 Koreans were illegally arrested. April 16 Asking for releasing the arrested and withdrawing the order April 20 Meeting the governor. Governor suddenly closed the meeting. April 21 GHQ and mayor disclosed the evacuation of teachers. April 23 GHQ and city authority started to close Korean schools. April 24 A big rally in Hugo-Ken. The governor accepted the request of Koreans. April 24 Declaration of situation of emergence April 25 Mass were arrested. Osaka April 23 Big gathering of Korean peopleLeaders were arrested. April 24 Sporadic rally. More people were arrested. April 26 A big Korean Gathering April 26 Brutal suppression by police.Kim Tae-il was killed. mobilized more than 8,000 policemen including police school students and shot at the demonstrators. Kim Tae-il, aged 16, was killed and many were arrested. The latter were tried under the American court-martial and Kim Seok-song was forcefully exiled to Korea. The Osaka struggle was characterized by brutal suppression. This demonstrates that the state never gives up willingly the power for governing they will kill and exile people if need be in order to maintain power. In Kobe, the order to close down Korean schools was given on April 7, 1947. Parents of students protested against the order by blocking the school gates and a big rally of more than 10,000 attendants was organized, which forced the government to withdraw the order on April 24. The problem of the Japanese government’s attempts to suppress Korean identity education remained. On April 24, the GHQ declared a state of emergency in Kobe. Kobe became a nightmare for Koreans. On April 24, the Koreans in Kobe misinterpreted the event as a victory against the GHQ. The Kobe case shows that the government never negotiates with an anti-government group education is an indispensable means for them to maintain power stability. The HanShin educational struggle, as shown in Table 5, seems to have failed accompanied with great sacrifice one million people attended rallies; 212 were injured, one killed; more than 3,000 arrested; 212 prosecuted; and 36 jailed. A final solution to the problem of the conflict between the KFJ and the GHQ in terms of Korean identity educational was reached only with the destruction of the KFJ itself more than a year later. The HanShin Korean identity education struggle shows that educational problems should be resolved after taking into consideration the social and political issues in a given society. Epilogue After the HanShin educational struggle, the minister of education in Japan and the representative of the Counter Measures Committee of the KFJ agreed to make an exchange of notes to the effect that Korean identity education should be governed by the directives of the Japanese Ministry of Education. Thereafter, independent Korean identity education temporarily disappeared; however autonomous Korean identity education recommenced after the Korean War. The present Korean Identity Class in Osaka is one of the legacies of the HanShin educational struggle for the autonomy of Korean identity education. In order to maintain its leadership in the new era after 342 WWII, the United States of America hoped that Japan would take a central role in Eastern Asia. The oppression practiced by both the GHQ and the Japanese government of Korean identity education increased. It was natural that the KFJ, freshly invigorated with a sense of liberation and democracy would strongly rise against such oppression. The KFJ organized rallies to secure the right of autonomy in Korean identity education throughout Japan, but failed. In the 5th general assembly of the KFJ in October 1948, the KFJ designated April 24 as “a memorial day of education”, as a day of remembrance for preserving the Korean language (Kim, 1979, p. 109). The legacy of the HanShin educational struggle gave Zainichi Koreans in Japan the future direction for the autonomy of Korean identity education Korean language, independent education, democratic education and cooperation with Japanese educators who were of a democratic persuasion. Conclusions Under Japanese colonization, the education for Koreans in Japan was mainly that of assimilation by Japanese imperialists; it provided Koreans with the opportunity to spread Korean national identity via night schools for workers. After the Japanese surrender, the Korean independent education movement pushed Koreans to learn the Korean language. It also strengthened Korean organizations including the KFJ. The Korean identity educational struggle, peaking with the Hanshin education movement was indispensable under the AMA, which was more favorably disposed to the previous Japanese regime. Education is the process of developing knowledge, skills and character. Korean Identity Education focused on instilling the knowledge of where Koreans came from, who they are, how they think, and how they communicate with each other. Korean identity is composed of a common language, cultural and ethnic background. These features are rooted in the socio-cultural situation. Hence, education can not be totally separated from the social system. Education reflects the most conspicuous ideology of the governing social structure as the subsystem of the total system such as the politico-economical system. The HanShin educational struggle shows that any type of education may be permitted under the legal regulation of a given society in ordre to preserve and maintain the social system. This study shows that education reflects the social, cultural, economical and political structure of any society. The impact of education on society and its feedback functions are extremely important for the future direction of the society in question. Notes 1. “Zainichi Chosenjin Renmei” is translated as “The Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ)”, although it was translated as “The Korean League” and /or “The league of Korean residing in Japan” by Wagner (Wagner, 1951, p. 50). 2. “Korean identity education” represents the education about Korean national identity. Since “Korean nationalism education” could make a chauvinistic misunderstanding, I preferred “Korean identity education” instead. References Cheon, Z. (1979). Chochongryeon yeonku [The study of chochongryeon]. Seoul Korea University Press. Cho, J. 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Park, K. S. (1979). Kaihochokugo no zainichichosenjinundo (4) [Zainichi movement in the early period after liberation(4)]. Zainichi Chosenjinshi Kenku [A study of Koreans in Japan] (Vol. 4, pp. 69-86). Tokyo Asiamondaikenkyuso Park, K. S. (Ed.). (1983). Chosen mondai shiryo soshyoVIIII [Collection of materials related to Korean affairs (VIIII)]. Tokyo Asiamondaikenkyuso. Park, K. S. (1989). Kaihogo zainichichosenjin undoshi [History of Zainichi movement after libration]. Tokyo Samil Sobo. Park, K. S. (1989). Taiken te kataru kaihogo no zainichichosenjinundo [Zainichi movement after libration telling through my experience]. Kobe Kobe Kakuseiseinen Center. Park, K. S. (Ed.). (2000). Zainichichosenjin kankei shiryo shusei(I) [Collection of materials related to Zainichi(I)]. Tokyo Hui press. Park, K. S. (Ed.). (2000). Zainichichosenjin kankei shiryo shusei(VI) [Collection of materials related to Zainichi(VI)]. Tokyo Hui press. Wagner, E. W. (1951). The Korean minority in Japan 1904 - 1950. New York Institute of Pacific relations. Yang, Y. H. (1980). Osaka ni okeru yon.niyonkyoiktoso no oboekaki(I) [Memory of April 24 educational struggle in Osaka (I)]. Zainichi Chosenjinshi Kenku [A study of Koreans in Japan] (Vol. 6, pp. 70-78). Tokyo Asiamondaikenkyuso. Yang, Y. H. (1994). Zengo osaka no zainichichosenjinundo [Post-war movement of Zainichies in Osaka]. Tokyo Miraisa. Received September 27, 2007 Revision received October 18, 2007 Accepted March 14, 2008 翻訳文ご投稿 名前 コメント すべてのコメントを見る ブランド時計コピーしてたくさん種類に分けます。たとえば：ロレックススーパーコピー時計、シャネルスーパーコピー時計、ガガミラノスーパーコピー時計、ブライトリングスーパーコピー時計、オメガスーパーコピー時計、IWCスーパーコピー時計、ウブロスーパーコピー時計、カルティエスーパーコピー時計、オーデマピゲスーパーコピー時計、フランクミュラースーパーコピー時計、パテックフィリップスーパーコピー時計、パネライスーパーコピー時計、タグ ホイヤースーパーコピー時計、ブルガリスーパーコピー時計、ショパールスーパーコピー時計、ゼニススーパーコピー時計、ルイヴィトンスーパーコピー時計、ピアジェスーパーコピー時計、フェラーリスーパーコピー時計各種ブランド時計コピーの2014年新作最N品：http //www.watchhighquality.com/ スーパーコピースカーフ http //www.cheapscarfcopy.com/ ブランド時計コピー http //www.watchhighquality.com/ -- (ブランド時計コピー) 2014-05-22 15 42 58 阪神教育闘争・文献リスト
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種別 タクティカル アイテムID 1007 占有マス(縦×横) 1×1 ゲーム内説明 Firing chamber upgrade. Increases firerate. 銃の薬室のアップグレード。射撃間隔を上昇させる。 概要 Adaptive Chambering（アダプティブ チャンバー）は、軍事関係の場所で発見できる。 Adaptiveは適応性のある、Chamberingは装填を意味し、銃弾を発射機関に詰めるのをアシストする装置だと思われる。 タクティカルライト、タクティカルレーザーと同じ個所に装着するタクティカル。 装着した銃のフルオート射撃時の連射速度が上昇(1.3～1.5倍程度？要検証)する。 その特性上、単射の銃やセミオート射撃時には効果が無い。 Dragonfang等の軽機関銃やドラムマガジンを装填した自動小銃等、装弾数が多い銃に取り付けると効果的。 通常のゾンビなら頭に1～2発程度で倒せてしまうので恩恵を感じにくい。 メガゾンビやPvPのお供に。 ver3.x以降 バレル 標準搭載(内部データ) Bow Barrel/Crossbow Barrel/Honeybadger Barrel/Matamorez Barrel 非標準搭載 Makeshift Muffler / Ranger Suppressor / Military Barrel / Military Muzzle / Military Suppressor サイト 標準搭載 Bluntforce Iron Sights / Compound Iron Sights / Crossbow Iron Sights / Dragonfang Iron Sights / Eaglefire Iron Sights / Grizzly Iron Sights / Hawkhound Iron Sights / Heartbreaker Iron Sights / Honeybadger Iron Sights / Maplestrike Iron Sights / Matamorez Iron Sights / Nykorev Iron Sights / Peacemaker Iron Sights / Rifle Iron Sights / Rocket Iron Sights / Sabertooth Iron Sights / Schofield Iron Sights / Shadowstalker Scope / Snayperskya Iron Sights / Sportshot Iron Sights / Timberwolf Iron Sights / Viper Iron Sights / Yuri Iron Sights / Zubeknakov Iron Sights 非標準搭載 Makeshift Scope / Red Kobra Sight / 7x Scope / 8x Scope / 16x Scope / Red Dot Sight / Red Halo Sight / Red Chevron Scope / Red Cross Scope グリップ Horizontal Grip / Vertical Grip / Bipod タクティカル Tactical Light / Tactical Laser / Rangefinder / Adaptive Chambering ver2.2.5 +... バレル Muffler / Flash Hider / Suppressor サイト Zoomomatic / Binoculars / Red Dot Sight / Holographic Sight / Half Circle RailPlanar Track Rail / Dual Component Rail / Full Circle Rail / 6x Zoom Scope / 7x Zoom Scope / 12x Zoom Scope / 20x Zoom Scope タクティカル Tactical Light / Tactical Laser / Bayonet / Bipod / Angle Grip / Vertical Grip
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Market Scenario Parking is an important part of a transportation system. The ease of parking influences people to visit a place. It is also important and makes it easy to reach a certain destination. Parking management manages and uses all the sources available for parking the vehicles efficiently. The increasing urbanization is the main reason for the complications in parking. In COVID 19, the Parking Management Market deteriorated as in that time, the majority of the market got hit economically globally. All the construction projects and there was a restriction in the traveling sector which led to disruption in the market growth. Constant parking management solutions such as real-time parking indicators and developed signs decrease the wastage of the parking spaces by providing information to the customers about the parking place. It also increases the source more efficiently but different the parking spaces according to the price. A better parking solution would be helpful and would solve the parking issues by 20 to 40%, leading to increases in the infrastructure. Management policies can also decrease the demand for parking subsidies, increase travel options for non-drivers, provide financial savings to lower-income households, and increase housing affordability. The parking management deals with hardware such as traffic control devices, computer servers, etc. It becomes difficult for the parking space operators to use the new and innovative parking management systems, creating challenges for the market. The usage of innovative technologies and improvement in the mobility, housing and economy in smart cities is opening up a new door of opportunity for the Parking Management Market. The Parking Management Market is expected to hold $7 billion in 2023, and it will also grow at a rate of 12% CAGR between 2017 to 2023. Request a Free Sample @ https //www.marketresearchfuture.com/sample_request/3232 Competitive Outlook The well-known companies in parking management market are Kapsch TrafficCom AG (Austria), Siemens AG (Germany), T2 Systems, Inc. (U.S.), AMANO Corporation (Japan), XEROX Corporation (U.S.), SWARCO AG (Austria), Cubic Corporation (U.S.), INRIX, Inc. (U.S.), INDIGO (France), SKIDATA AG (Austria), among others. Segmentation The Parking Management Market is segregated by component, parking site, solution and vertical. Based on the component, the market is divided into software and service. Off-street parking and on-street parking are the variables of the segment parking site. The solution segment is bifurcated into Access Control, Security, Surveillance, Valet, and Revenue Management. By vertical, the market is divided into retail, transportation, hospitality, BFSI, healthcare, academia, government etc.; the service segment is anticipated to witness a high segment in the forecast period. The increasing demand is due to the appropriate pricing for all car parks by providing a view of the price rates. The one-site parking segment is expected to dominate the market in the forecast period due to the global adaptation of government authorities. Other segments of the market will also register growth in the forecast period. Regional Analysis The Parking Management Market is studied in prominent places like North America, Asia Pacific, Europe, etc. The continuous increase of vehicles in Canada and U the S is attributed to the growth of North America. It is creating the need for deducing issues like traffic congestion, and it is also essential to increase the growth of the market. In the next few years, it is expected that the Asia Pacific region will hold a large growth rate as the government of the Asia region is increasing the spending on the development of smart cities. The adaptation of automation technologies and development investment by the top IT companies to develop AI technologies will improve the market growth. Industry News The MoWiz app, a user-friendly parking payments platform, facilitates parking payments by allowing Curitiba residents and visitors to park and pay in zone-regulated areas from the convenience of their mobile phones. Browse Full Report Details @ https //www.marketresearchfuture.com/reports/parking-management-market-3232 Table of Contents 1Executive Summary 2Scope of the Report 2.1Market Definition 2.2Scope of the Study 2.2.1Research objectives 2.2.2Assumptions Limitations 2.3Markets Structure Continued…. 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https://w.atwiki.jp/airportmod/pages/30.html
Aviation Terms Caution The aviation terms listed here are the minimum terms used in this mod (airportmod), so some terms may not be listed or described in detail. ILS ILS is a radio signal transmitted from antennas located at airports that informs approaching aircraft of their proper approach course. PAPI PAPI is a type of approach angle indicator light that indicates the proper angle of approach and descent for an airplane that is about to land. The PAPI consists of four lights in a white or red pattern to indicate the proper angle of approach and descent. See the image for the pattern. In most airports, the PAPI is located on the left side of the runway. Runway End Light Runway End Light are lights that indicate the position of the end of the runway. From a descending or gliding airplane, it will appear to be lit in red. If you look at the Runway End Light in the opposite direction (the Runway End Light at the beginning position), it appears to be lit in yellow. Runway Centre Line Light This light indicates the centerline of the runway with light. Centerline lights are placed at regular intervals from the beginning of the runway to the end of the runway. Taxiway Centre Line Light These lights indicate the centerline of the taxiway. Taxiway Centre Line Light are placed at regular intervals from the beginning of the taxiway to the end of the taxiway. VOR/DME Electromagnetic waves can be used to determine which direction an aircraft is in.
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Swarm Campaign Add-on Tutorial http //developer.valvesoftware.com/wiki/Swarm_Campaign_Add-on_Tutorial Swarm Campaign Add-on Tutorial キャンペーン チュートリアル There are five basic steps to creating your own custom campaign Add-ons for Alien Swarm Alien Swarmにカスタムキャンペーンを入れるには、5つのステップがあります。 1.Make an Add-on folder and content sub-folders. Add-onフォルダとsubフォルダを作っときます。 2.Create game assets and place them in the proper sub-folder. ふさわしいフォルダにゲームアセットを作って入れます。 3.Create metadata files and place them in the proper sub-folder. sabフォルダにメタデータを作って入れます。 4.Pack the contents of the Add-on folder into a .VPK file. vpkファイルの入っているAdd-onフォルダを用意します。 5.Create a homepage for the add-on where it can be downloaded by players. Install the Authoring Tools In order to author content for Alien Swarm, you will need to install the Alien Swarm Authoring Tools (SDK). This provides you with the applications and utilities you will need to create game content. Mainly, you will be using the Hammer application to create levels, and the other utilities to create custom textures and models. A description of how to create these assets is beyond the scope of this tutorial, but you can find useful information in the Alien Swarm Mapping Basics. Because the focus of this article is how to assemble the assets into a campaign Add-on, we will assume that you have already learned how to successfully create these assets from this point forward. The Authoring Tools provides an example Add-on campaign that has source examples. Create an Add-on folder To begin, navigate to the addons folder of your Alien Swarm game install location. For most users, this will be similar to C \Program Files\Steam\steamapps\common\alien swarm\swarm\addons Note If you have a folder with a hyphen, i.e. "add-ons", make sure it s empty and go ahead and delete it. The correct folder has no hyphen "addons". To create your own addon campaign, create a new folder inside the addons directory, and give it an appropriate name. This new folder will be the name of the .VPK file you ll ultimately create and distribute, so it s good practice to avoid spaces and use all lowercase letters. You may also include the game in the title, to differentiate it from add-ons for other titles, and optionally a version number. We ll use "infested" as the name of our addon. ...\swarm\addons\infested Conceptually, this add-on folder will serve as the base “game” folder for your assets, and will mirror the layout in the shipped .VPK files as we shall see below. Create primary game assets The assets you create will essentially append those shipped with the game. For a campaign, the primary assets are the .BSP files that are your individual missions. Make a folder called maps inside your add-on project folder. This is where the .BSP files will go which will make up your individual missions ...\swarm\addons\infested\maps To define your campaign, you ll need a campaign file that defines the missions that are in it, which order they are played and where they exist on the campaign map. Create a new folder called resource and inside that create another folder called campaigns . In here will be your campaign file which (for the sake of this tutorial) you should just name infested_campaign.txt . Use ...\swarm\addons\ExampleAddon\resource\campaigns\ExampleCampaign.txt as an example. ...\swarm\addons\infested\resource\campaigns In your campaign file you should update the name of your campaign to something unique. The file explains what each entry does so go ahead and customize how you see fit. You may also optionally create custom .VTF texture images, custom .VMT material description files, and custom .MDL models which your maps can utilize. In order to keep the size of your add-on small, it s advisable to use as many textures and models from the game as possible. Additional .VMT and .VTF materials (see Creating a Material) should go under this folder ...\swarm\addons\infested\materials .MDL and related model files (see exporting and compiling a model) should go under here ...\swarm\addons\infested\models And materials for your models should go under here ...\swarm\addons\infested\materials\models It should be noted that Alien Swarm treats the /infested folder much the same way as the /swarm folder, so any folders you use inside the /materials and /models that you employ must also be present in your addon s folder. Create secondary game assets Secondary assets such as a campign map, mission maps, mission and objective thumbnail images not required, but they can give your campaign an extra level of polish. If you haven t already, go ahead and make a materials folder and a vgui folder inside of it. The campaign overview map is defined in the campaign file (we called it infested_campaign.txt ). The individual mission thumbnails and the mission overview maps are defined in the mission overview files ( ...\swarm\resource\overviews\ ) ...\swarm\addons\infested\materials\vgui Campaign Map Inside the vgui folder you ll want to place your custom campaign map .VTF file, along with the .VMTs that reference it. You can call it whatever you want, but it s a good idea to include the name of your addon in the name of the file. Once you ve created your custom campaign map image, you ll want to edit the campaign file (we called it infested_campaign.txt ) to point to it. .VMT files which are used for interface elements such as campaign maps, thumbnails, etc., (I.e. Those typically found in the materials/vgui folder,) often need to specify an UnlitGeneric material. See L4D s Deadline vgui .VMT File for an example. Mission Thumbnail In addition to the campaign map image, you ll also want to make thumbnail images for each map in your campaign. These serve to provide a visual reinforcement indication for users while they re selecting map "chapters" in the UI. To do so, create a new folder named MissionPics under the vgui folder ...\swarm\addons\infested\materials\vgui\MissionPics In this folder, you ll want to create a .VTF/.VMT pair for each map you wish to create. They should each be 256 by 256 pixels and be representative of the mission in some way. Once you ve created your custom mission image, you ll want to edit the mission s overview file (which we placed in ...\swarm\resource\overviews\ ). Objective Images Just like the mission thumbnails, we can create custom images for you mission s objectives. Once created, your objective image can be defined in the Hammer objective entity (see Swarm_Objectives) inside your .VMF (see examples located in the example .VMF files here ...\alien swarm\sdk_content\mapsrc\tutorial\ Mission Overview Map You can optionally create an overview map for each mission that you ve created, but you must create objective files for all of your missions. Under the resource in your addon path, create a folder called overviews . In here you should place an overview file for every mission (.BSP) that you have made. These files need to be named the same as the .BSP file. (see the files in ...\swarm\addons\ExampleAddon\resource\overviews\ as an example) ...\swarm\addons\infested\resource\overviews For more detailed information on creating overview maps, see this page Swarm_Overview_Map. Create metadata files There are a few more files that you will make in order to allow your add-on content to function in game. addoninfo.txt The first is the addoninfo.txt file. This allows your content to be recognized by the game. It should go inside your add-on root folder, which was the first one we created way back at the top ...\swarm\addons\infested\addoninfo.txt This file is used by the game in the Extras- Add-ons screen. It describes your add-on in general and what it provides. The example (...\swarm\addons\ExampleAddon\addoninfo.txt) includes comments and instructions for using it as a template for your own add-on. addonimage.jpg Another file you can create in the root folder is an image named addonimage.jpg. This serves as an icon to help differentiate your add-on and is displayed when an add-on is selected in the UI along with add-on details listed in the addoninfo.txt. Some JPG files may not work, depending on which application they are saved from. If you re having trouble getting you JPG to work, try exporting it from VTFEdit. Test it out At this point, your add-on should be fully functional. You should be able to launch the game, go to Extras- Add-ons, and enable your add-on. If you type path into the console, you should see the root directory of your add-on near the bottom. This means that the game will search your add-on folder for files that it cannot find in the standard game .VPK files. You can continue tweaking your content in folder form until you re ready for that magical moment Release into the wild. Packaging and shipping The final remaining step is to package your add-on into a .VPK for distribution. The .VPK serves as a convenient, one file method for others to install your add-on folder. They need simply put the .VPK in their own add-on folder. Or, assuming they, like most non-authoring players, haven t associated the .VPK extension with something else, they can double click on it and it will install itself in the correct place. Every .VPK file contains a unique ID that allows the game to ensure everyone is running the same content. If you ve put in meta-data properly, the game will also prompt users to download a newer version if it is required to play. Navigate to this folder C \Program Files\Steam\steamapps\common\alien swarm\bin\ Locate the vpk.exe packaging utility and make a shortcut to it on your desktop. Drag your add-on root folder and drop it onto the shortcut. The utility should make a new .VPK next to your original folder. By default it will not include source files such as .VMF, .TGA, .SMD, .QC etc., and it will always strip out executable binaries. Remove the folder version of the add-on (or move it to a safe location) so that the .VPK is alone and test it out. The .VPK should function exactly as the add-on folder does. If it works, you re ready to upload it to a location you specified in the metadata files and from which it is available. Ideally, you ll want an add-on "homepage" that includes ratings, screenshots, and player comments. A simple L4D example can be found here. Compression Since full Alien Swarm campaigns can be very large it is advisable to compress them before uploading to file sharing sites for distribution. The open source Windows utility 7-zip supports compressing files in the 7z format/LZMA algorithm, which provide a very high compression ratio. The bulk of a campaigns size comes from the .bsp map files, which are highly compressible, so a vpk can be reduced to 25% or less of its original size. For example an unofficial version of Death Aboard was packaged up by a fan; the vpk was 267MB uncompressed, 92MB zipped, and 55MB with 7z. Final testing At this point, you should test out the download prompt. Start a lobby with a local server, and invite a friend to join. When they accept, they should be prompted to download the necessary add-on, after which a browser window will opened to your add-on homepage. They should be able to download and install the add-on without having to restart the game, and then join your lobby. See also VPK VPK File Format
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The Economic consequences of the peace Chapter II-Europe before the War Before 1870 different parts of the small continent of Europe had specialized in their own products; but, taken as a whole, it was substantially self-subsistent. And its population was adjusted to this state of affairs. After 1870 there was developed on a large scale an unprecedented situation, and the economic condition of Europe became during the next fifty years unstable and peculiar. The pressure of population on food, which had already been balanced by the accessibility of supplies from America, became for the first time in recorded history definitely reversed. As numbers increased, food was actually easier to secure. Larger proportional returns from an increasing scale of production became true of agriculture as well as industry. With the growth of the European population there were more emigrants on the one hand to till the soil of the new countries, and, on the other, more workmen were available in Europe to prepare the industrial products and capital goods which were to maintain the emigrant populations in their new homes, and to build the railways and ships which were to make accessible to Europe food and raw products from distant sources. Up to about 1900 a unit of labor applied to industry yielded year by year a purchasing power over an increasing quantity of food. It is possible that about the year 1900 this process began to be reversed, and a diminishing yield of Nature to man s effort was beginning to reassert itself. But the tendency of cereals to rise in real cost was balanced by other improvements; and—one of many novelties—the resources of tropical Africa then for the first time came into large employ, and a great traffic in oil-seeds began to bring to the table of Europe in a new and cheaper form one of the essential foodstuffs of mankind. In this economic Eldorado, in this economic Utopia, as the earlier economists would have deemed it, most of us were brought up. That happy age lost sight of a view of the world which filled with deep-seated melancholy the founders of our Political Economy. Before the eighteenth century mankind entertained no false hopes. To lay the illusions which grew popular at that age s latter end, Malthus disclosed a Devil. For half a century all serious economical writings held that Devil in clear prospect. For the next half century he was chained up and out of sight. Now perhaps we have loosed him again. What an extraordinary episode in the economic progress of man that age was which came to an end in August, 1914! The greater part of the population, it is true, worked hard and lived at a low standard of comfort, yet were, to all appearances, reasonably contented with this lot. But escape was possible, for any man of capacity or character at all exceeding the average, into the middle and upper classes, for whom life offered, at a low cost and with the least trouble, conveniences, comforts, and amenities beyond the compass of the richest and most powerful monarchs of other ages. The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages; or be could decide to couple the security of his fortunes with the good faith of the townspeople of any substantial municipality in any continent that fancy or information might recommend. He could secure forthwith, if he wished it, cheap and comfortable means of transit to any country or climate without passport or other formality, could despatch his servant to the neighboring office of a bank for such supply of the precious metals as might seem convenient, and could then proceed abroad to foreign quarters, without knowledge of their religion, language, or customs, bearing coined wealth upon his person, and would consider himself greatly aggrieved and much surprised at the least interference. But, most important of all, he regarded this state of affairs as normal, certain, and permanent, except in the direction of further improvement, and any deviation from it as aberrant, scandalous, and avoidable. The projects and politics of militarism and imperialism, of racial and cultural rivalries, of monopolies, restrictions, and exclusion, which were to play the serpent to this paradise, were little more than the amusements of his daily newspaper, and appeared to exercise almost no influence at all on the ordinary course of social and economic life, the internationalization of which was nearly complete in practice. It will assist us to appreciate the character and consequences of the Peace which we have imposed on our enemies, if I elucidate a little further some of the chief unstable elements already present when war broke out, in the economic life of Europe. I. Population In 1870 Germany had a population of about 40,000,000. By 1892 this figure had risen to 50,000,000, and by June 30, 1914, to about 68,000,000. In the years immediately preceding the war the annual increase was about 850,000, of whom an insignificant proportion emigrated.[1] This great increase was only rendered possible by a far-reaching transformation of the economic structure of the country. From being agricultural and mainly self-supporting, Germany transformed herself into a vast and complicated industrial machine, dependent for its working on the equipoise of many factors outside Germany as well as within. Only by operating this machine, continuously and at full blast, could she find occupation at home for her increasing population and the means of purchasing their subsistence from abroad. The German machine was like a top which to maintain its equilibrium must spin ever faster and faster. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which grew from about 40,000,000 in 1890 to at least 50,000,000 at the outbreak of war, the same tendency was present in a less degree, the annual excess of births over deaths being about half a million, out of which, however, there was an annual emigration of some quarter of a million persons. To understand the present situation, we must apprehend with vividness what an extraordinary center of population the development of the Germanic system had enabled Central Europe to become. Before the war the population of Germany and Austria-Hungary together not only substantially exceeded that of the United States, but was about equal to that of the whole of North America. In these numbers, situated within a compact territory, lay the military strength of the Central Powers. But these same numbers—for even the war has not appreciably diminished them[2]—if deprived of the means of life, remain a hardly less danger to European order. European Russia increased her population in a degree even greater than Germany—from less than 100,000,000 in 1890 to about 150,000,000 at the outbreak of war;[3] and in the year immediately preceding 1914 the excess of births over deaths in Russia as a whole was at the prodigious rate of two millions per annum. This inordinate growth in the population of Russia, which has not been widely noticed in England, has been nevertheless one of the most significant facts of recent years. The great events of history are often due to secular changes in the growth of population and other fundamental economic causes, which, escaping by their gradual character the notice of contemporary observers, are attributed to the follies of statesmen or the fanaticism of atheists. Thus the extraordinary occurrences of the past two years in Russia, that vast upheaval of Society, which has overturned what seemed most stable—religion, the basis of property, the ownership of land, as well as forms of government and the hierarchy of classes—may owe more to the deep influences of expanding numbers than to Lenin or to Nicholas; and the disruptive powers of excessive national fecundity may have played a greater part in bursting the bonds of convention than either the power of ideas or the errors of autocracy. II. Organization The delicate organization by which these peoples lived depended partly on factors internal to the system. The interference of frontiers and of tariffs was reduced to a minimum, and not far short of three hundred millions of people lived within the three Empires of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. The various currencies, which were all maintained on a stable basis in relation to gold and to one another, facilitated the easy flow of capital and of trade to an extent the full value of which we only realize now, when we are deprived of its advantages. Over this great area there was an almost absolute security of property and of person. These factors of order, security, and uniformity, which Europe had never before enjoyed over so wide and populous a territory or for so long a period, prepared the way for the organization of that vast mechanism of transport, coal distribution, and foreign trade which made possible an industrial order of life in the dense urban centers of new population. This is too well known to require detailed substantiation with figures. But it may be illustrated by the figures for coal, which has been the key to the industrial growth of Central Europe hardly less than of England; the output of German coal grew from 30,000,000 tons in 1871 to 70,000,000 tons in 1890, 110,000,000 tons in 1900, and 190,000,000 tons in 1913. Round Germany as a central support the rest of the European economic system grouped itself, and on the prosperity and enterprise of Germany the prosperity of the rest of the Continent mainly depended. The increasing pace of Germany gave her neighbors an outlet for their products, in exchange for which the enterprise of the German merchant supplied them with their chief requirements at a low price. The statistics of the economic interdependence of Germany and her neighbors are overwhelming. Germany was the best customer of Russia, Norway, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, and Austria-Hungary; she was the second best customer of Great Britain, Sweden, and Denmark; and the third best customer of France. She was the largest source of supply to Russia, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Switzerland, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Roumania, and Bulgaria; and the second largest source of supply to Great Britain, Belgium, and France. In our own case we sent more exports to Germany than to any other country in the world except India, and we bought more from her than from any other country in the world except the United States. There was no European country except those west of Germany which did not do more than a quarter of their total trade with her; and in the case of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Holland the proportion was far greater. Germany not only furnished these countries with trade, but, in the case of some of them, supplied a great part of the capital needed for their own development. Of Germany s pre-war foreign investments, amounting in all to about $6,250,000,000, not far short of $2,500,000,000 was invested in Russia, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Roumania, and Turkey.[4] And by the system of "peaceful penetration" she gave these countries not only capital, but, what they needed hardly less, organization. The whole of Europe east of the Rhine thus fell into the German industrial orbit, and its economic life was adjusted accordingly. But these internal factors would not have been sufficient to enable the population to support itself without the co-operation of external factors also and of certain general dispositions common to the whole of Europe. Many of the circumstances already treated were true of Europe as a whole, and were not peculiar to the Central Empires. But all of what follows was common to the whole European system. III. The Psychology of Society Europe was so organized socially and economically as to secure the maximum accumulation of capital. While there was some continuous improvement in the daily conditions of life of the mass of the population, Society was so framed as to throw a great part of the increased income into the control of the class least likely to consume it. The new rich of the nineteenth century were not brought up to large expenditures, and preferred the power which investment gave them to the pleasures of immediate consumption. In fact, it was precisely the inequality of the distribution of wealth which made possible those vast accumulations of fixed wealth and of capital improvements which distinguished that age from all others. Herein lay, in fact, the main justification of the Capitalist System. If the rich had spent their new wealth on their own enjoyments, the world would long ago have found such a régime intolerable. But like bees they saved and accumulated, not less to the advantage of the whole community because they themselves held narrower ends in prospect. The immense accumulations of fixed capital which, to the great benefit of mankind, were built up during the half century before the war, could never have come about in a Society where wealth was divided equitably. The railways of the world, which that age built as a monument to posterity, were, not less than the Pyramids of Egypt, the work of labor which was not free to consume in immediate enjoyment the full equivalent of its efforts. Thus this remarkable system depended for its growth on a double bluff or deception. On the one hand the laboring classes accepted from ignorance or powerlessness, or were compelled, persuaded, or cajoled by custom, convention, authority, and the well-established order of Society into accepting, a situation in which they could call their own very little of the cake that they and Nature and the capitalists were co-operating to produce. And on the other hand the capitalist classes were allowed to call the best part of the cake theirs and were theoretically free to consume it, on the tacit underlying condition that they consumed very little of it in practice. The duty of "saving" became nine-tenths of virtue and the growth of the cake the object of true religion. There grew round the non-consumption of the cake all those instincts of puritanism which in other ages has withdrawn itself from the world and has neglected the arts of production as well as those of enjoyment. And so the cake increased; but to what end was not clearly contemplated. Individuals would be exhorted not so much to abstain as to defer, and to cultivate the pleasures of security and anticipation. Saving was for old age or for your children; but this was only in theory,—the virtue of the cake was that it was never to be consumed, neither by you nor by your children after you. In writing thus I do not necessarily disparage the practices of that generation. In the unconscious recesses of its being Society knew what it was about. The cake was really very small in proportion to the appetites of consumption, and no one, if it were shared all round, would be much the better off by the cutting of it. Society was working not for the small pleasures of to-day but for the future security and improvement of the race,—in fact for "progress." If only the cake were not cut but was allowed to grow in the geometrical proportion predicted by Malthus of population, but not less true of compound interest, perhaps a day might come when there would at last be enough to go round, and when posterity could enter into the enjoyment of our labors. In that day overwork, overcrowding, and underfeeding would have come to an end, and men, secure of the comforts and necessities of the body, could proceed to the nobler exercises of their faculties. One geometrical ratio might cancel another, and the nineteenth century was able to forget the fertility of the species in a contemplation of the dizzy virtues of compound interest. There were two pitfalls in this prospect lest, population till outstripping accumulation, our self-denials promote not happiness but numbers; and lest the cake be after all consumed, prematurely, in war, the consumer of all such hopes. But these thoughts lead too far from my present purpose. I seek only to point out that the principle of accumulation based on inequality was a vital part of the pre-war order of Society and of progress as we then understood it, and to emphasize that this principle depended on unstable psychological conditions, which it may be impossible to recreate. It was not natural for a population, of whom so few enjoyed the comforts of life, to accumulate so hugely. The war has disclosed the possibility of consumption to all and the vanity of abstinence to many. Thus the bluff is discovered; the laboring classes may be no longer willing to forego so largely, and the capitalist classes, no longer confident of the future, may seek to enjoy more fully their liberties of consumption so long as they last, and thus precipitate the hour of their confiscation. IV. The Relation of the Old World to the New The accumulative habits of Europe before the war were the necessary condition of the greatest of the external factors which maintained the European equipoise. Of the surplus capital goods accumulated by Europe a substantial part was exported abroad, where its investment made possible the development of the new resources of food, materials, and transport, and at the same time enabled the Old World to stake out a claim in the natural wealth and virgin potentialities of the New. This last factor came to be of the vastest importance. The Old World employed with an immense prudence the annual tribute it was thus entitled to draw. The benefit of cheap and abundant supplies resulting from the new developments which its surplus capital had made possible, was, it is true, enjoyed and not postponed. But the greater part of the money interest accruing on these foreign investments was reinvested and allowed to accumulate, as a reserve (it was then hoped) against the less happy day when the industrial labor of Europe could no longer purchase on such easy terms the produce of other continents, and when the due balance would be threatened between its historical civilizations and the multiplying races of other climates and environments. Thus the whole of the European races tended to benefit alike from the development of new resources whether they pursued their culture at home or adventured it abroad. Even before the war, however, the equilibrium thus established between old civilizations and new resources was being threatened. The prosperity of Europe was based on the facts that, owing to the large exportable surplus of foodstuffs in America, she was able to purchase food at a cheap rate measured in terms of the labor required to produce her own exports, and that, as a result of her previous investments of capital, she was entitled to a substantial amount annually without any payment in return at all. The second of these factors then seemed out of danger, but, as a result of the growth of population overseas, chiefly in the United States, the first was not so secure. When first the virgin soils of America came into bearing, the proportions of the population of those continents themselves, and consequently of their own local requirements, to those of Europe were very small. As lately as 1890 Europe had a population three times that of North and South America added together. But by 1914 the domestic requirements of the United States for wheat were approaching their production, and the date was evidently near when there would be an exportable surplus only in years of exceptionally favorable harvest. Indeed, the present domestic requirements of the United States are estimated at more than ninety per cent of the average yield of the five years 1909-1913.[5] At that time, however, the tendency towards stringency was showing itself, not so much in a lack of abundance as in a steady increase of real cost. That is to say, taking the world as a whole, there was no deficiency of wheat, but in order to call forth an adequate supply it was necessary to offer a higher real price. The most favorable factor in the situation was to be found in the extent to which Central and Western Europe was being fed from the exportable surplus of Russia and Roumania. In short, Europe s claim on the resources of the New World was becoming precarious; the law of diminishing returns was at last reasserting itself and was making it necessary year by year for Europe to offer a greater quantity of other commodities to obtain the same amount of bread; and Europe, therefore, could by no means afford the disorganization of any of her principal sources of supply. Much else might be said in an attempt to portray the economic peculiarities of the Europe of 1914. I have selected for emphasis the three or four greatest factors of instability,—the instability of an excessive population dependent for its livelihood on a complicated and artificial organization, the psychological instability of the laboring and capitalist classes, and the instability of Europe s claim, coupled with the completeness of her dependence, on the food supplies of the New World. The war had so shaken this system as to endanger the life of Europe altogether. A great part of the Continent was sick and dying; its population was greatly in excess of the numbers for which a livelihood was available; its organization was destroyed, its transport system ruptured, and its food supplies terribly impaired. It was the task of the Peace Conference to honor engagements and to satisfy justice; but not less to re-establish life and to heal wounds. These tasks were dictated as much by prudence as by the magnanimity which the wisdom of antiquity approved in victors. We will examine in the following chapters the actual character of the Peace. FOOTNOTES [1] In 1913 there were 25,843 emigrants from Germany, of whom 19,124 went to the United States. [2] The net decrease of the German population at the end of 1918 by decline of births and excess of deaths as compared with the beginning of 1914, is estimated at about 2,700,000. [3] Including Poland and Finland, but excluding Siberia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. [4] Sums of money mentioned in this book in terms of dollars have been converted from pounds sterling at the rate of $5 to £1. [5] Even since 1914 the population of the United States has increased by seven or eight millions. As their annual consumption of wheat per head is not less than 6 bushels, the pre-war scale of production in the United States would only show a substantial surplus over present domestic requirements in about one year out of five. We have been saved for the moment by the great harvests of 1918 and 1919, which have been called forth by Mr. Hoover s guaranteed price. But the United States can hardly be expected to continue indefinitely to raise by a substantial figure the cost of living in its own country, in order to provide wheat for a Europe which cannot pay for it.